remarked) must doubtless fall very considerably in agricultural districts, or else farmers and planters can not hire.

That such is the case appears from the fact, that already it has been announced in the papers of the day that a reduction is contemplated in Maryland and elsewhere. Nor is this fall in the price of labor to be much regretted, if the wants of the increasing population can be as well supplied by the present low wages, as those of former years by the wages then obtained. Food has usually constituted the great expense of the poor. The reduction of an inflated currency must of necessity be attended with the corresponding reduction in the price of labor and the value of property.

The change is evidently better for the people in the end; and though the transition from the fancied prosperous days of speculation, caused by a spurious currency, may deeply affect those who are indebted, a regular healthy trade, formed upon a currency based upon specie, will certainly be most desirable, and to none more so than to the yeomanry of our country, who toil in great honesty and industry to sustain society, and depend on sage legislatures to make wise and safe laws to protect their hard-earned gains.

PROBABLE MODIFICATION OF THE CORN LAWS.

A further inquiry is here suggested. The supposition has been made above that England will materially change or even repeal her corn laws. This question has been examined, and the result is, that there is much to fortify the conjecture that such must eventually be the result. Her population is increasing. The uncultivated lands are continually becoming less in proportion. What is tilled is much of it carried to the highest point of cultivation. If she would avail herself of her advantages of extent of territory, and new acquisitions as a mart for her exported manufactures, she can not spare many from that branch of industry to agriculture. The sufferings of the poor, and the burden of her poor laws, are very great. A steady advance has been made for some years toward this result. The Manchester Chamber of Commerce, comprising the most eminent mer. chants and manufacturers, after a debate of ten hours, at two sittings, have declared, by a vote of six to one, that, unless the corn laws are immediately abolished, the destruction of their manufactures is inevitable. The information the people have received of our vast surplus product has urged them forward, as they see thus the means of supply within reach.

It has been ascertained, by an eminent English baker, that the American flour, either in biscuit or bread, will absorb from 'to more of its weight in water than any other flour. It is also stated, that 14 lbs. American flour will make 21 lbs. of bread, while the best kind of English flour will produce but 18 lbs. About one crop in seven, in England (some say a less number), is a failure. The London Mark Lane Express estimates the total average product of the United Kingdom at 320,000,000 bushels, and that the crop of 1841 fell short at least 86,000,000 bushels. Every diminution of any considerable amount must be supplied from abroad. The present sliding scale of duties prevents the American importer from availing himself, as much as he would do, of his information, and sending out cargoes, even when the price is such as to render it profitable; for, before his ship reaches the port, the duty may rise so high as to make it a dead loss. In 1841, when the imports of wheat into England were 21,

604,840 bushels, the whole amount from the United States was 2,528,600 bushels; in 1840, when the whole import of wheat was 18,502,120 bushels, the United States sent out 6,831,000 bushels. The yearly consumption of all kinds of grain in Great Britain is estimated at 52,000,000 quarters, or 416,000,000 bushels, of which wheat is about 104,000,000 bushels. This probably would be much increased, were bread to be brought down to a low price. The quantity of wheat imported into Great Britain from Ireland, in 1832, was 552,720 quarters; in 1839, but 90,600 quarters; and, owing to the temperance reformation, by which the consumption of food will be increased, this will probably be still more lessened.

From the English Farmers' Journal, which we quote here in substance, it appears that, on the day fixed for the payment of reduced duties on salted provisions, public sales were announced to take place on the following day; which sales comprised 1,512 barrels of American beef, 2,199 barrels of American pork, 321 barrels of American hams, 691 barrels of Canadian pork, and 35 barrels of Canadian beef. There was a numerous attendance of town and country dealers, also gentlemen from Ireland, to watch the progress of a trade threatening to interfere with their trade so long exclusively enjoyed. The United States meats was imported months before, and cured before it was known that there would be a change in duties, and therefore not so well suited to the taste of consumers as it may hereafter be. The meat was well fed, but fatter than the usual Irish. The beef was not so well fed. The hams sold at 30s. 6d. to 31 per cent., duty paid, equal to about 6 cents per pound; prime beef sold at 38s. to 39s. per barrel, duty paid, about 4 cents per pound; pork went at from 41s. to 46s. per barrel, duty paid, equal to about 74 cents per pound; the Canadian pork realized 43s. to 46s. per barrel, duty paid, &c. From the most recent account, it would appear that American provisions are in some demand; and if our countrymen will adopt the English methods of curing and packing, so as to suit the taste of the foreign purchaser of their articles of export, there seems little reason to doubt that a considerable trade might be carried on. Much complaint is made of the mode of preparation, and hence attention to this is the more necessary to compete with the Irish producers. The quantity of our flour exports, it is said, depends greatly on the price in the home market. Thus it is said that in 1834, a year of abundance in England, when the price of flour was $5 45, there were exported 835,352 barrels, nearly as much as in 1839, in which there was a short crop in England; and when flour was $7 56 in our market, when the export amounted to 1,897,501 barrels of four, at $5 37. On examination, also, it appears that for twelve years, from 1829 to 1840, more than one half the whole imports paid an average duty of about 6 cents per bushel. Taking twelve years together, from 1828 to 1839, it appears that Great Britain had raised sufficient for her own supply only four years out of twelve; in two out of three she has found it necessary to import, varying from 2 to 20 per cent. of her whole consumption. A considerable portion of land, better fitted for grazing, has been forced into cultivation for wheat by the high prices it has commanded there

Thus it appears that, out of the whole seven, the highest price was in a winter month, except two years, when it was in August and September; also, that the lowest price, for five years, was in a winter month-in the other two years in the month immediately preceding a winter one. It also appears that the average has been almost constantly rising, except for the year 1840. The price of flour, it is said, from Dantzic, delivered at London, could not be less than $7 per barrel, without duty. Such are the facts with respect to England, and her dependance on other countries for her breadstuffs.

The case is similar in France. When the crop, which at an ordinary rate will just about supply her population, fails, great distress ensues, and of necessity they must look abroad for a supply.

Since, then, we must either have a home or a foreign market for our surplus, we are driven to the necessity of so far upholding our own manufactures, and creating a greatly increased consumption, or we must seek to extend our foreign market. The discriminating duties, imposed by Great Britain in favor of the intercolonial trade in her own vessels, will continue to operate against the best competitors in foreign markets with our agricultural products, till the United States herself makes a new conventional arrangement based on terms of fuller reciprocity. In the meantime, however, it is a matter of no small gratification that an outlet can be had through the British American provinces for several articles. Indeed, so strong is the desire manifested by the commissioners in the mother-country, that the laws are construed in the most liberal manner. Thus, while the south has long enjoyed the privilege of sending out her principal staple duty free, in consequence of the desire of the British manufactures to obtain it, so now it seems probable that the other agriculturists of our country, in the north and west, may be enabled to forward their wheat and other produce through the colonies at a comparatively low rate of duty.

From many countries we are nationally excluded by prohibitory duties. Spain, for instance, levies $10 on a barrel of flour in Cuba. From Malaga,

where our imporis exceed our exports seven times, we are almost shut out. The list might be extended, but it is unnecessary. Could more reciprocal duties be established, a new and lasting impulse would be given to the agricultural industry of the United States. The advocates of home industry and free trade unite in the propriety of fair reciprocal arrangements, if conventional treaties are formed. Many, with long-delayed hopes, are almost ready to despair; some fear an abandonment of present encour agement as incidentally given to home industry by the revenue system. While aiming to avoid the discussion of any political topics, or the protective tariff, yet it seems not entirely proper to withhold any consoling remark which saves the downcast agriculturist from absolute despondency. Reason and philosophy may enable him to endure the present, if sure no worse is to be dreaded.

The following cheering voice is heard from the south side of the Potomac. After expressing a preference for free trade, if it were practicable, it is said: "But we shall regard it as the height of folly to throw open our ports without restriction to other nations, so long as theirs are shut in our faces, and they continue to act upon a wholly opposite policy. The practical statesman, under such circumstances, must lay his abstract philosophy on the shelf, and work out his problems upon the actual theatre of human affairs. To buy in the cheapest market is a very plausible doc

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trine, but to him who is forced to sell in the cheapest market in order to reach it, the delusion is at once manifest. The great problem is, what constitutes, under all circumstances of selling as well as buying, in time to come as well as in time present, the most advantageous market to the consumer."

The halcyon days of free trade, predicted by some, ought not to change efforts made with reference to the commercial policy of the world. Some new difficulties must be met, and some changes made, to accommodate ourselves to existing circumstances. The reduction of the currency and the scarcity of money will, of necessity, reduce wages. Self-denial will take the place of self-gratification, and all possible economy will be studied. Proprietors of land and other productive property will rent on shares in preference to hiring for cash. All possible diversions of labor, too, will be made from pursuits which will produce a surplus which can not find a market; and, whatever may be the abstract theories of burdens on the producer or the consumer, or what degree of protection amounts to prohibition, we may expect ere long an improved domestic market. A demand abroad of a few hundred thousand bushels of breadstuffs is heralded as a happy event, but what comparison, after all, will it bear to the million of consumers created by the diversion of labor from present agricultural pursuits, or manufacturing those articles which are more to us than the produce of foreign labor. Let us listen to the wisdom of those whose opinions are recorded for our encouragement-more especially since such opinions come from individuals who do not sanction protection, except such as incidentally arises from the raising of a revenue:

"To be independent for the comforts of life, we must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The grand inquiry now is, shall we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a foreign nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufacture must be for reducing us either to dependance on that foreign nation, or to be clothed in skins and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am not one of those; experience has taught me that manufacturers are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort."-Letter of Thomas Jefferson to Benjamin Austin, January, 1826.

"When our manufactures are grown to a certain perfection, as they soon will be, under the fostering care of Government, the farmer will find a ready market for his surplus produce, and, what is of equal consequence, a certain and cheap supply of all he wants; his prosperity will diffuse itself to every class of the community."-Speech of Hon. John C. Calhoun on the tariff.

"I ask, what is the real situation of the agriculturist? Where has the American farmer a market for his surplus produce? Except for cotton, he has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove,. when there is no market at home or abroad, that there is too much labor employed in agriculture? Common sense at once points out the remedy. Take from agriculture 600,000 men, women, and children, and you will at once give a market for more breadstuffs than all Europe now furnishes. In short, we have been too long subject to the policy of British merchants. It is time we should become a little more Americanized, and, instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed our own; or else, in a short.