lambs of Christ's flock-gather the children around you and teach them that the Saviour is the "PRINCE OF PEACE." Show them that war is the work of Satan; and that the gospel is intended to silence the hoarse shout of the warrior-to stem the red torrent of human blood-to cast out the evil spirits of hatred, cruelty and revenge-to implant peace in every bosom and joy in every heart-and so completely to conquer and subdue the powers of darkness, that in all the ransomed earth there shall be found no vestige of violence or war, but a pure atmosphere of "peace on earth and good will to men," and a continually ascending tribute of "Glory to God in the highest." CHRISTIAN AND SAVAGE WARFARE. BY REV. N. P. CHARLOT, of OHIO. We often justify, or, at least, greatly palliate, in our own estimation, the evils that may belong to, or grow out of, some course of life which we follow, by instituting a comparison between ourselves and others who may be engaged in the very same or like evil pursuit; as well as by making many distinctions in favor of our own course, when, in fact, such distinctions have no existence in the nature of the case. It is truly remarkable to what an extent men, and Christian men too, will tax their ingenuity in making out a self-satisfactory plea for self-justification at the bar of conscience and of public sentiment. In my boyhood days I used to hear so much said, and read so much about the wicked depredations of the Indian tribes, and of their barbarous and cruel weapons of warfare, the tomahawk and scalping-knife, that my mind was perfectly horrified whenever I thought of those heathen tribes and their most inhuman modes of warfare. But such sentiments as I then entertained on this subject, were purely the result of the very defective system of Christian morals which were in popular favor at that time, and which have not yet gone entirely into disuse. I say defective system of Christian morals, for I am persuaded that at that very time the poor, benighted Indians, without the Bible, were so much "a law unto themselves," that they reasoned more correctly, in many respects, upon this subject, than a professedly Christian people who were in possession of that true standard of morality which God gave to man to guide him in all his intercourse with his fellow man. People generally, in writing and speaking on this subject, were then, as they are still, accustomed to draw such compar. isons and make such distinctions between themselves and savage Indians, and the modes of warfare employed on both sides, as made it quite clear that the reasons for our hostile operations against them were almost equal to a Divine warrant; and that our mode of killing them was quite a cultivated, reasonable and Christian mode of taking human life, while they had no justifiable cause of war at any time, and their mode of killing white people was altogether worthy of condemnation, because not practised by any civilized or Christian nations, My own mind was long since disabused of such prejudicial and unjust views of our relation to the Indian tribes, and to the unnecessary difficulties which have often existed between us and them. I say unnecessary, because I believe that if we, as a civilized and professedly Christian people, had profited as we ought to have done by the teachings of the pure and peaceful gospel of the Son of God, and we had been influenced in all our concerns with the natives by such teachings, very few of those bloody scenes which are on record in the history of our country would ever had an existence. Usually, if not always, we have been the aggressive party, and those depredations which the different Indian tribes have from time to time committed upon the lives and property of our frontier settlements were but the legitimate effect of wrongs first committed by ourselves. and tearing him to pieces, beyond the possibility of recovery, yet leave him to linger and suffer for days, and even weeks, before the work of death is finished? I have witnessed several hard fought battles, such as Perryville, Stone River, Chickamauga and Mission Ridge; been on these fields after the battle was over, and have seen many hundreds of human bodies prostrate upon the earth and cold in death; and then, afterwards, I have been in the field hospitals, filled with hundreds of wounded soldiers, many of whom were carried from the field but to languish, and suffer, and die. And yet, in all this, I saw nothing but the legitimate results of war, conducted in an intelligent, humane and scientific manner, and by a civilized and Christian people. No savage barbarity in all this! no Indian tomahawk or scalping-knife was to be found there; yet there was the evidence that more cruel and destructive implements of death had done their work there, for in many and scalps, and brains! places the earth was strown with fragments of human skulls, But why should we make comparisons between one mode of war and another? We surely do not expect to find one that is not barbarous, inhuman and cruel, for such a thing does not, cannot exist. War, no matter how or by whom practised, is essentially bad; its prime elements are barbarity, inhumanity and cruelty; it is a wicked thing, and you cannot make it otherwise than wicked; you may give it a Christian baptism and sustain it in practice under the Christian name, as has been done good thing of it; it remains a work of the devil which our Lord many centuries past, but you cannot regenerate and make a tells us He came on earth to destroy. for O, when will nations learn the ways of peace, INDIAN PEACE POLICY.-The egregious folly of our military operations against the poor Indians received another proof during a recent debate in Congress. On the ninth of last month Senator Thurman of Ohio stated that" one of the expeditions cost $6,000,000, and the officer in command officially reported that they had killed one Indian. But the Express agents denied the accuracy of the report and claimed that they had killed the Indian themselves. And the Traders stated that both the parties were mistaken as the Indian was still alive! " Surely we have tried the War Policy long enough. Let us now resolve to employ the Policy of Peace. empty" playthings, as they have from paraffine. A little fellow tried to frighten another little five-year older by pointing his father's gun at him. The coroner thought the child might have been frightened at one time, but he was cool and collected enough when he called to see him. And what superiority can we rightfully claim over the poor, ignorant Indians as it regards the mode of warfare? Certainly we are prepared to do the work of death much more scientifically; but do we kill them any more Christian-like than they kill us? How much more humane and praiseworthy is it to shoot a man with a rifle, or plunge a bayonet through him, or tear him literally to pieces with a shell, than to pierce his heart with an arrow, or cut him down with an Indian hatchet, or even burn him at the stake? Indeed, to burn a man to death is not so cruel, (because his sufferings are comparatively short) as-Robert Hall. War The safety of a nation is not to be sought in arms. reverses all the rules of morality. It is nothing less than a temporary repeal of all the principles of virtue. It excludes all the virtues; and incorporates nearly all the vices. In teaching us to consider a portion of our fellow creatures proper objects of enmity, it removes the basis of all society, all civilization, all virtue. For the basis of these is "good will to all the species." THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. confess I went thither with fear and trembling. I had much BOSTON, MAY, 1873. EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE. PARIS, FRANCE, March, 1873. The readers of the Advocate will remember that in my last letter I gave a brief account of my reception in Italy, and of the deep interest felt in my mission in that interesting country. From Italy my course was to Austria and to Vienna, its capital. I had anticipated with much pleasure meeting our Minister Plenipotentiary at Vienna, the Hon. John Jay, who has been for many years a greatly honored officer of our Society, and one of its warm supporters. I am glad of this opportunity to record the expression of my hearty thanks to Mr. Jay for his lively interest in my object, and for the wise counsels and many valuable suggestions he kindly gave me in the prosecution of my delicate and difficult, but most glorious mission. Mr. Jay's profound interest in the reform of the Law of Nations and the adoption of Arbitration as a substitute for war is well known. Without violating that reserve which our State Department wisely imposes upon its diplomatic agents, Mr. Jay, at diplomatic dinners and on social occasions in the empire to which he is accredited, has spoken nobly upon the subject, and his influence has been and is very judiciously exerted in strengthening the friendly feelings between the nation he represents and the important empire to which he is Minister. Long may he continue in the high position which he fills with so much credit to his country and to himself. He is the right man in the right place. The Universal Exposition which is soon to open at Vienna, will enhance the responsibility and greatly increase the labors of his office, but no one more wisely or efficiently than he will exert himself to make that great occasion contribute to the promotion of Peace among all the nations that will be there represented. He has just succeeded in getting the government of Austria to consent to an International Congress on the question of Patent Rights, which is a step in the direction in which we are moving. From Mr. Delaplaine, our able and efficient Secretary of Legation at Vienna, I also received much politeness and encouragement. Even in Austria to which is often applied the epithet "warlike," I found the existence of a very decided peace sentiment. One of the most influential members of the Diet said to me, "I am sixty-six years of age, but I am resolved to devote the remainder of my life to the advocacy of the measures for adjusting the differences of nations by reason and justice instead of having recourse to the barbarism of war. I regard with no favor the present war-system, and anything that I can do to help in the establishment of a National Tribunal that shall obviate the necessity for our enormous standing armies, I will most gladly do." I left Vienna with the feeling that the day will come when the most capacious structures in the beautiful capital of Austria, next to the enormous edifice for the "World's Exposition," will not be soldiers' barracks and soldiers' hospitals. solicitude in regard to the reception which a scheme looking to Peace among all nations would receive in the capital of one of the very foremost powers of the earth, especially in view of the recent victories that great power had achieved. On arriving in Berlin I sought an interview with our Envoy Extraordinary to Prussia, the venerable and distinguished G. P. Bancroft. I received his own cordial endorsement and assurances of interest in our movement. I was favored with conferences with leading professors in the renowned University of Berlin, as, also, members of Parliament. They without exception gave their hearty approval to the plan submitted for their consideration; and Prof. Baron Von Holtzendorff and Prof. Heffter, Dr. Herr Vichor, among the most eminent authorities upon International Law, have given me their opinions in writing. The conviction of the most intelligent and thoughtful people in Germany and Austria, is well expressed in the following extract from a communication which I have recently received from a statesman here, whose opinions on this subject are entitled to the highest regard. He says: "The argument which at this time will tell with a force never felt before upon governments and people, is that the war system is against the spirit of the age-that no minister and no government can successfully resist that spirit-and that any government which persists in the war system as now established, will lose more by the emigration of its people than it can gain by the most successful war. This argument is based upon facts and figures that are already causing profound concern. It is an argument which commends itself to the people as showing not only that the war system is maintained wholly at their expense, but that it is actually in their power to control it, despite all efforts and obstacles used to restrain them. While the ability to emigrate exists-and every attempt to impair it will increase extent to which wars increase the thousands and tens of thouthe popular tendency to emigration-its statistics, showing the sands who resolve to seek peace in our western land, will go to prove that the war system, however convenient and profitable to an aristocratic class, is ruinous to the nation at large, and that the most perfect military organization that may arouse the envy or threaten the safety of other States, is in fact sapping the security, the prosperity, the wealth and happiness of the State where it exists. What we require in Europe to abolish war, is agitation. The governments do not wish the subject discussed, and perhaps nothing will tend more to secure discussion than the bold assumption by statesmen and political economists in every country of Europe based upon the figures and facts relating to each State, that the military system is banishing not alone the common laborers, but the skilled workmen, the small farmers, the men of culture and of science, who are hastening to a land where they may live in repose, without a constant dread of the falling of the sword of war." My object in Germany accomplished, I proceeded on my way to Brussels, the capital of Belgium, and was most cordially welcomed by Auguste Visschers, Esq., that ardent friend of all noble and philanthropic movements. He was the President of the Peace Congress held in Brussels in 1848, and Governmental Delegate duly authorized in the International Congress of Geneva in 1864 and 1868. He treated me with great courtesy and kindness, and convened a number of gentlemen of distinction, members of Parliament and others, that I might communicate to them my plans and proposition. The reception given to my proposal was most gratifying and I was assured of hearty co-operation in my endeavor to carry it into effect. At Ghent I was very hospitably entertained by Dr. Rolin, Jacquemyus chief editor of the International Law Review. Dr. Rolin is one of most eminent writers upon International The European capital at which I next tarried was Berlin. I Law in all Europe, and imagine my delight on learning that at the time of my arrival at his residence he was engaged in the preparation of an article for the Law Review, in which he advocated a movement in all its essential features coincident with my own plan. This gentleman is in correspondence with the leading publicists in Europe, and being in full sympathy with us he will render most important service in the prosecution of the great undertaking. He suggests Ghent as the place for the proposed meeting, and offers generous inducements in favor of the choice of that city. From Ghent I came directly to this city, where I have received a welcome warmer and more enthusiastic, if possible, than at my first visit. It has been my privilege already to submit my scheme in writing to the most eminent statesmen and publicists of France, and to receive from them a cordial endorsement and an elaborate statement of opinions. Among the distinguished gentlemen who have thus favored me I may name Drouyn d' Lhuys, Prime Minister of France under Napoleon III., Carlos Calvo, formerly Minister to France, Viscount Itajuba, one of the Arbitrators of the Geneva Court, Mons. Hautefeuille, E. D. Parier, etc., etc. I was very politely invited to a dinner and reunion of the Society of Economists, at the Grand Hotel, at which were gathered a large number of learned savans, and was honored with a request, at the close of the festivities, to address the assembly, and unfold the purpose of my mission. The views communicated were received with marked favor. I must defer to another letter further account of proceedings in Paris, appending the following minute : [Translated from the French.] Resolution adopted March 7, 1873, by the meeting called to hear Rev. James B. Miles, of Boston, in the rooms and by invitation of the Society of Friends of Peace, France. The Society, after hearing the statement of Rev. Mr. Miles and the remarks to which this statement has given rise, Unanimously renew to this generous representative of the New World, the thanks which have already been extended to him at the meeting of the 6th of February, and beg him to convey to his constituents and fellow-citizens the hearty expression of their most sincere and cordial gratitude. As to the prominent object which Mr. Miles,-in the name of the Society of which he is the secretary, and of the whole American people,-has come to promote in Europe, the Society declares that it sympathizes most entirely with this object; that it considers the formation of a code of public international law one of the most urgent and imperative needs of the age; and that it sees in the preparation of this code a work most worthy to employ in an united effort, the knowledge and the heart of the most eminent men of the world. authority which it needs, it would receive from a convention called at the request of those Societies which have this great reform at heart, by a previous gathering of statesmen of undoubted authority. The Society believes that the High Commissioners to whom the world is indebted for the fortunate settlement of the affairs of the Alabama, might be, by reason of this success and by the universal gratitude felt towards them, very properly named as the initiators of this plan. Certainly there can be no man of wisdom, however high he may stand in the esteem of his peers, who would not think it an honor to respond to such an invitation. the place of the first meeting. Without designating any place, While awaiting an answer to this request, and the result of the work which it desires to initiate, the Society is of opinion that in the various Parliaments of Europe, the men whose thoughts are chiefly given to the imperfect state of International Law, should be immediately invited to urge, by all means at their disposal, the different powers to acknowledge the three rules of maritime right lately given as preliminary to the final decision of Geneva, and afterward to the adoption of new rules following those. The Society believes, finally, that nothing should be neglected which will assist by word, by the press, and by all means compatible with respect for the laws, and the observance of national duties, the propagation of ideas of international justice, and of mutual respect, without which the development of material and moral civilization cannot succeed. A copy of the original act, adopted unanimously by the (Signed) WAR DEBTS-WHO IS TO PAY THEM? Few things are exciting a deeper or more serious interest in reflecting minds, than the state of feeling which is so generally awakened in the community upon what is known as the labor question. It had its origin abroad, but prevails to a serious extent among the laboring classes here. What is to be The Society declares, first, that without underestimating the its result, or how the difficulties involved in this disaffection, difficulties of such a task, it is far from thinking them insur-are to be cured, is a problem which few are wise enough to mountable, and that, on the contrary, it sees in the individual efforts simultaneously put forth in different nations by the most noted lawyers and statesmen, an evident step towards the bringing together the labors of all, which alone will insure success. The Society feels therefore that there is nothing chimerical or premature in the plan of proposing the early formation of an International Commission, with the intention of doing for the general International Law what the High Commission of Geneva found it necessary to do in certain unsettled questions of maritime rights, before giving their final decision, and it ven tures to hope that such a convention, by the moral authority with which it would be clothed, would gradually recommend itself to the acceptance of all civilized nations, without infringing on the dignity or independence of any people. grapple with? It is not our purpose to attempt it, farther than to show from statistics before us, that no small share of the cause or origin of this difficulty has been war, and that war must cease before any one can hope to arrest the causes of uneasiness and discontent on the part of the working classes. In the first place, those who do the drudgery of war in the camp and field and hospital, and swell the list of the dead and wounded in battle, are chiefly the laboring classes, and they are beginning to ask, significantly, whether this burden should fall on a single class and that the least able to bear it, considering the waste of time, the loss of ability to earn a competence, and the habits In order not to excite national rivalries, local prejudices, or of thriftlessness by which it is attended? But what becomes a political passions, the Society is of opinion that this modern Areopagus which it desires to convoke, ought to have no more lasting source of irritation and discontent, is its effects in other character than that of an independent commission and creating a perpetual burden of taxation upon the industry of the should therefore be without official investiture. The only country. This would be bad enough if war was a simple waste of so much property, and the expenses of it fell, pro rata, upon hend clearly, how this bears upon every thing that enters into all classes according to their ability to meet it. But such has their comfort, and goes to make life desirable, is it to be benever been the case, while war involves the nation, as a whole, lieved that they will quietly see new wars undertaken, new in debt, those who supply the material which is wasted, grow debts contracted, and new burdens imposed upon industry, to rich out of their contracts. Individuals never grow rich so fast settle some balance of power, to avenge some fancied insult, as our army contractors did in our late war which left us or prop up the fortunes of some decayed or decaying family. $3,000,000,000 in debt, to be paid out of earnings of our trade with either of which the people have as little to do as with the and industry. The consequence of wars has, accordingly, been, path a comet takes through our solar system? It may not be that portions of the nation have grown rich out of the waste and in our day, but if there is any logic in human events, we have destruction of material which necessarily attend these, raising seen enough in the last fifty years to warrant the belief, that the a few to affluence while it adds a new load to the burden which time is not far distant, when governments will have to settle the less favored classes have had to bear. And what is of still their disputes in some other way than by detailing their subgraver importance, the debts which have thus been created, jects to be shot at for glory. Let us see how the facts stood instead of growing less, have grown more and more onerous in regard to what wars have done in the past, towards crushing in the old world with every new war. These have come so out the rewards of labor, and how much of every man's earnoften that the first has not been paid before a second has beenings now go towards what other generations have wasted and incurred, till, at last, all hope of ever paying them seems to be have left for this and those yet to come, to pay. In an article abandoned. Who supposes England ever will pay her national in the last January number of the North American Review, a debt, or Austria or France? The interest upon these debts writer tells us that England since 1688, has expended in wars, is a perpetual and hopeless charge upon the people of those six thousand millions of dollars in gold. The annual war countries. Now it is a familiar fact, that the burden of taxation charge of Christendom is twenty-six hundred millions of dollars, falls more heavily, in proportion, upon men of small means than and that nearly nine millions of dollars have to be earned, daily, large, and upon labor than accumulated capital. It is true in and set apart for the purposes of war, before labor can reserve England, and it is the same upon the Continent. The laborer a dollar for itself! Will not the men who earn this money, ere in our own country who pays two or three dollars as a poll tax, long, say to their rulers, this wretched game must no longer when he has nothing else to be assessed for, bears a heavier be played at their cost? Crowned heads are slow to compreproportionate burden than the merchant or manufacturer whose hend the extent to which a growing intelligence upon this subhundred thousand is invested in business. The mass of the soject is penetrating the masses in Europe, or the power of a pubcalled wealth of the country, in the mean time, which is madelic sentiment when it has once become enlightened. Russia may up in no small degree of the very evidences of indebtedness of not yet have felt it, but Germany has, and is feeling it in the the government, held by individuals, has been increasing in long trains of emigrants constantly leaving her shores for new volume in the hands of those who possess it, till the prices of homes in the west. England is feeling it in the strikes of her every thing have risen in proportion to this increase in wealth. farm laborers who, twenty-five years ago, were as little likely to But as price is the mere relation which one article of exchange unite in such a movement as the patient oxen which they folbears to another in the amount of money which they will re-lowed in the furrow. But the people nowadays, have an spectively command, a person might be comparatively little affected by the nominal price he paid or received for the articles he possesses, if the subjects of exchange rose and fell by this standard of price, in a uniform ratio. But such is not the case with labor in the old world, if it is in our own country. A given amount of labor will not exchange for any more, if so much, of the necessaries of life as it would fifty years ago. In the meantime, there has been a growing demand for other things than men were then content with, mere food and shelter and clothes. Men are finding out that they have brains and souls as well as bodies, and are growing discontented with barely sufficient to keep them from starving. They are getting to care for more comfortable houses to live in, more nutritious food to sustain them, A meeting of the executive committee of the American Peace schools for their children and political rights as citizens for Society was held April 21st, in the Congegational House, to themselves. They cannot have all these upon the bare pittance hear a report from Rev. James B. Miles of his late mission to with which they were once obliged to content themselves. Europe Mr. Miles, who has just returned, has travelled exAnd there are enough in every community to minister to this tensively since the first of last January in England, France, Austria, Italy, Belgium and other parts of continental Europe. discontent, and to persuade them that the fault is in the law of He had met with universal success and cordiality from statesproperty, and the only way to redress themselves is by making men, jurists and public men everywhere. The representatives war upon the order and condition of society. The readiness with of the United States had constantly paid attentions to him. He had visited the London Peace Society, which had appointed a which the masses of the working men join in every measure, committee, of which Henry Richard, M. P., was chairman, however unwise, to change their condition, under the idea of and Prof. Leone Levi and Rev. Newman Hall were members, to improving it, shows that they feel there is something wrong, co-operate with him, hailing his mission with enthusiasm. and that they are earnestly seeking for the cause and the remFrom England he went to France, where a committee of jurists edy Nor will they be slow to discover how much the intoler-mittee suggested a senate of jurists and leading men, to be was appointed to confer with him on his project. The comable burden of a war debt has to do with the mischief under about fifty in number, of the different nations, for the purpose which they are laboring. And when they do come to appre- of elaborating international law. At Rome the American min ugly way of reading or listening to what is published by the press, or hearkening to the harangues of mischievous orators, and these have a perpetual supply of inflammable material with which to set the passions of the people on fire. In the history of the past, the severe self denial to which they are subjected every day, and the hateful presence of the tax gatherer robbing them of a large percentage of their paltry wages to pay for turning some of the fairest fields in Europe into burial grounds for brave men an hundred years ago. THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY. ister, Mr. Marsh, introduced him to Mancini, who recommend- putes, we had to agree to the rules by which they should proed a congress of publicists to be held next September. At ceed. But if the object of their guest were accomplished, Vienna he was met by distinguished men, who thoroughly ap- there would no longer be this disordered condition of the rules, proved of the plan, and desired the congress to be held at principles and practices of international law, but the whole Vienna. At Berlin assurance was given that Prussia heartily field of international law would be completely mapped out and desired peace. The Germans were losing more men by emi- surveyed, a clear and definite statement of results would be gration, on account of the army draft, than the French lost in made, and those results thrown into a systematic form, so that the war. At a dinner in Brussels many editors were present every nation might easily and clearly know what its internawho indorsed his plan, publishing the same in their journals, tional obligations are. Having established a code, which was and the articles attracted great attention in every part of Eu- the first and principal matter we should want, what would rope. From Brussels he went back to Paris, where a large probably grow out of it, a tribunal of the highest jurists and public meeting was held. From Paris he returned to London, publicists of the civilized world to administer, and to apply, acwhere the people entered heartily into the work. Mr. Glad-cording to their judicial minds, the facts of any case to the stone stated that he favored the carrying into effect the princi- settled rules. There would still remain the question as to the ples of peaceful arbitration in every way possible, and ex-mode in which the tribunal's judgment should be enforced. pressed himself greatly satisfied with the results of the Geneva arbitration. From England Mr. Miles returned to this country to report progress. A large public meeting will soon be held, at which time the fullest possible details will be placed before the public.-Boston Advertiser. LETTER TO M. LUCAS BY COUNT SCLOPIS. Count Sclopis has addressed a letter to M. Charles Lucas, of France, expressing his deep satisfaction at various recent movements for the success of the cause of International Arbitration. He remarks:-"Doubtless the approval of a general Congress and of various scientific bodies, may exercise a valuable influence, in this direction. The Institute of France might assist the cause more than almost any other body. It is necessary to form what Montesquieu termed a common feeling,' which might continually impel men in the desired direction. Parliaments, Courts of Justice, Universities, and the Clergy, should especially be invited to unite in accomplishing this high mission." · The Count also writes:-"I must tell you that the success of the Geneva Arbitration has made a very deep impression upon the Italian people. I have never before known amongst us such a united public sentiment as on this question. The most emphatic and unanimous expressions of rejoicing and congratulation have reached me from parties the most opposed to each other. That was a larger and wider question, but was not a pressing and immediate one while those preliminary to it were unsettled. Those present would agree with him that their guest was beginning at the right point, and he was sure there was not an Englishman or Englishwoman who did not wish well to so great and humane a purpose as that by which he was animated. (Hear, hear.) The moment of his arrival was opportune, Britain having recently shown to America its inclination for permanent peace between them. (Cheers.) There was one point with reference to the Washington Treaty which he commended to the attention of Mr. Miles and to the audience as important to England and America both. By that treaty it was proposed to put neutral nations under a greater degree of diligence than had practically been required hitherto. In his (the Chairman's) opinion, it would be equally dangerous to America and ourselves if, being free nations, we were obliged to exercise such a kind of diligence as should unduly restrict the free action and conduct of our peoples as individuals, as traders, and as active units in society. (Cheers.) The Secretary (Mr. W. Pollard) read letters of apology for non-attendance from Mr. Hugh Mason, Mr Rylands, Mr. Wright Turner, Mr. John Fildes, Mr. Isaac Bancroft Cooke, Mr. Benjamin Whitworth, Rev. J. Macfadyen, Rev. S. A. Stienthal, and others. The Rev. J. B. Miles, who was cordially received, said he was glad to come to England with the salutations and congratulations of numbers of the American people on the happy "You are already aware that by the Sixth Article of the result of the Geneva arbitration, and on the settlement of those Washington Treaty it is stipulated that the High Contracting great, complicated, and he must admit serious difficulties that Parties shall lay before the other maritime powers the Three existed between this nation and America, by an appeal to jusNew Rules contained in that Article, and invite their accept the Washington Treaty and the Geneva arbitration had been tice, reason and the principles of Christianity. He knew that ance of the same. I shall be glad to see this done as soon as criticised in this country and in his own country, and he also possible. This would inevitably constitute a real and positive knew that they were open to criticism. While, however, beginning of the Codification of the Law of Nations. Every these transactions might not have been perfect, he believed wise and enlightened government must feel the necessity for an escape from that complexity and uncertainty which constitute they were among the most illustrious transactions of the world, the present condition of the Law of Nations. Every one would and had resulted in one of the grandest triumphs of civilization. (Cheers.) Not only had the result been the aversion of be a gainer by getting rid of this state of things.' a probable war between England and America, and that result alone spoke volumes, but the exclusion of the possibility, as he believed, of any future war between the two countries. He said before he left America, and after his observation of the state of feeling in Great Britain, he said again with increased A soiree arranged by the Executive Committee of the Lanca- emphasis that he would as soon expect to see the sun turn back shire and Cheshire International Arbitration Association to in its course as to see a war between England and America welcome the Rev. J. B. Miles, of Boston, United States, Sec-after this initiative arbitration. That arbitration would not retary of the American Peace Society, was held in the Trevelyan Hotel, Corporation street, last evening. There was a large attendance. LANCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE INTERNA- only, however, in his opinion, affect the destiny of these two nations. It would affect all nations. The proposal he had brought with him, that the leading jurists and publicists of all Dr. PANKHURST, who presided, said the honored guest of the nations should come together, and bend their thought and their evening had come to this country with an important and defi- study to the discussion and elaborations of definite statements nite mission. He had come accredited by the names of high of the principles of international law, had been endorsed in. authorities to take practical and efficient steps to encourage the writing by many eminent men in the United States, and he establishment of a code of international law; and in this mis- had procured its endorsement by Count Sclopsis and by other sion he had the approval of the President of the United States, distinguished men in the countries which he had named. In of Mr. Secretary Fish, of Mr. Principal Washbourne, of ex- France he had been received with the greatest enthusiasm. Principal Wolsey, and of, among other eminent American (Cheers.) He had conferred with and obtained the endorsejurists, Mr. David Dudley Field. There was no more striking ment to his proposal of many leading men in England. The illustration of the necessity for a code of international law than Premier, though from his official position he could not expect that furnished by the history of the Geneva arbitration. Before the right hon. gentleman's name to a movement of this kind, we could lay before the arbitrators the task of settling our dis-had manifested the deepest interest in it during an interview |