this first meeting a resolution agreeing in terms to the desiredness of war, we are at some loss how to speak of a war, proability of establishing a congress or association to consider the fessedly under Christian auspices, in softer terms than to call it importance of an international code and international arbitra- a blasphemous usurpation. No man or number of men can tion, was voted. After some preliminaries M. Visschers and rightly give authority when they do not possess it. The orders Mr. D. D. Field were voted president and honorary president, of governments, rulers or military officers requiring men to kill with acclamation and with expressions of great unanimity and each other in war is without authority from Christ, is opposed good feeling. The vice-presidents elected, for Germany, Dr. to the command of Christ, and should not be respected, unless it Bluntschli, of Heidelberg, the eminent publicist; for Italy, is right to obey erring men rather than the wise God. There Senor Mancini; France, Professor Giraud; for England, Right is a heavy responsibility on those who inculcate such teaching, Hon. Mountague Bernard; for Belgium, and to represent Europe frame such regulations and extend such orders, and on those also generally as secretary, M. De Lavaleye; honorary secretary, who keep silence in the face of such anti-Christian audacity. and last, though really the most important, author of the move- But the man who obeys such orders is not innocent. He canment, Dr. J. B. Miles. After these preliminaries had closed not dissolve or distribute his individuality among the multitude Dr. Miles was requested to address the conference. He gave of his fellows, nor can he transfer the responsibility of his an account of the purpose, origin and progress of the move-actions to his military commanders or to the government-if ment which culminated in this meeting. Dr. Miles closed his any can tell what civil government, in time of war, is. A eloquent address as follows: "In a single word, the purpose of man's individuality and personal accountability remains intact. this conference is in their associated capacity to begin the great The absence of malice toward the " enemy "does not excuse work of enthroning law among the nations. This is a purpose from guilt those who slay their fellows in cold blood-shall it worthy of the best thought of the best minds in all the world. be said?-and simply because of "orders" which care not a And my friends where can the reign of law seem more beau- straw whether the blood is cold or hot, whether the soldier has tiful, more supremely admirable and beneficent than between a conscience of one sort or another or none at all, whether he is great, powerful and independent nations? Law, which is willing or unwilling, whether life or death, heaven or hell only another name for the will of God, reigns throughout this hangs on the triggers of the death-dealing rifle. After giving universe. Put your finger upon any point of it and you touch such soldiers all the advantage of winked-at ignorance, because a law. And everywhere and anywhere the reign of law is ad- of false teaching as to duty when civil or military orders conmirable and beneficent." Dr. Miles then spoke of the flict with the Christian religion, yet are they not innocent. reign of law in the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms as They are to be pitied in proportion as their teachers who knew being complete and admirable, closing thus: "The finest and better are to be censured. The responsibility of making war, sublimest exhibition of the majesty and glory of law will be with all its orders, is a grievous sin, for which the individual seen among men when she shall sit Empress among the nations, actors are accountable-each for the part he has acted. Such and the settlement of the great questions that arise be- orders should not be obeyed, either with or without malice, be tween these shall be acknowledged to be her prerogative. the result what it may. "He that findeth his life shall lose it: When this end so noble shall have been attained, we may hope and he that loseth his life for my sake shall find it." will be banished or greatly diminished, those terrible conflicts 39. "So then every one of us shall give account of himself to that often arise and deluge broad countries with blood. Then will God." Rom. xiv: 12.-Christian Neighbor. dawn that bright day of which England's poet laureate sings,— "When the war-drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flag is furled." In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. When the common-sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, And the kindly earth shall slumber lapt in universal law." KILLING WITHOUT MALICE – GUILTINESS? That thousands upon thousands of men kill and are killed in war who have no malice or hate toward each other is doubtless true. The soldiers are but the enchanted tools of ambition, and are unable to give a reason for killing beyond the "orders" received. As a frank explanation would be fatal to the bloody game, the soldiers are kept in the dark. The responsibility is somewhere, and where that responsibility is, there will be found blood-guiltiness. Looking from the field of the slain and the suffering, let the question be put to the survivors in a battle, Why did you kill these men? We were ordered to do it; we had no grudge against them, but shot them because we were ordered to do it. And this thing of "orders" will be the answer from the lowest to the highest in command. Where does the highest officer get his authority? From the government. Where does the government get it? From the people. And this brings us round the circle to where we started-the people. Admit that this slaughter is, in great degree, without malice on the part of the immediate actors and sufferers, yet is it bloodshed covered by nothing but orders" which oppose the plain and broad commands of Christ. But then has not God ordained civil government and commanded obedience to its enactments? He has ordained civil government, but has ordained also that it should be subordinate to and consonant with the government of the "one Law-giver," the King of kings, Jesus Christ. And as it is contrary to the kingdom of this " only Potentate," that his servants should fight, is it not clear that any orders for men to fight and kill each other are without the sanction of the Law-giver, and are treasonable in spirit and rebellious in practice. Is it not more than absurd to suppose that Christ should give authority to men to set aside the leading principles of his kingdom-peace, harmlessness and kindness? It would be to make Christ contradict himself and fall in concord with Belial. Notwithstanding our more recent efforts to use milder words in speaking of the enormous and glittering wick SAVAGE FOES. Mat. x: Trouble England has on hand another war with savages. has grown up with the Ashantees, and an expedition has gone out to "punish" them. The first brief success was followed by disaster; the neighbors of the Ashantees seeing the superiority of the native forces over the foreign, sided with the former, ambuscaded the latter, and struck a severe blow at British prestige. We do not discuss the causes or the justice of the war, but only draw attention to the way the matter is talked of by the English papers. Some even of the most sedate call for the swiftest vengeance. As if the natives of the "out-lands" were only made that they might serve the interests of British glory or British trade, and they must be whipped into the service, or killed if they revolt. We make no complaint, we boast no excellence. The story of the American Indians is too much a record of the same shameful kind. They have been treated as wards of the nation, or as "vermin," as allies or enemies, according to the selfish interests of those who, whether at peace or war with them, have looked upon them as having no rights the white man is bound to respect. We trust that before many generations have passed, the principles of our present humane policy may be the universal rule of practice. The principles of war seem to be very much the same, whether against savage or civilized foes. There is scarcely anything that even suggests the Christian virtue of seeking the good of others. International law appears to be mainly a code for checking the wilder manifestations of force. We talk largely of the growing brotherhood of nations, bnt when practical questions are to be settled, might is the final gauge of right. Persevering Christian effort has secured a lessening of some of the horrors of war, captives are not enslaved or murdered, and the badges of Christian Commissions and Geneva crosses are seen on all great battle-fields; but the hope that among nations, war, the appeal to brute strength, will give place to reason, is put by general consent into the dim age of the millennium. The Treaty of Washington is one of the most noteworthy events of all history, but its very noteworthiness is evidence of the long-continued divorce of Christian principle and national policy.-Christian Intelligencer, THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. all will agree, and which will be for the best good of all nations BOSTON, JANUARY, 1874. EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE. Paris, Nov., 1873. I wrote in my last that the Brussels Conference was successful beyond my highest anticipations. I am happy to add, that, I am constantly receiving new evidence of the deep and wide impression made by this movement. It has not only greatly encouraged the old friends of Peace all over Europe, but it has enlisted the interest of a great host of eminent men who heretofore had no part in the peace cause. Able articles from the pens of such men as Dr. Bluntschli of Germany; Carlos Calvo of France; Mountague Bernard of England, and many others, suggested by the discussions of the conference, are appearing in the leading organs of public opinion in different countries. We find ourselves pressed beyond measure, with invitations to contribute articles for various periodicals and journals, upon the conference and its proceedings. How the movement is regarded by the old friends of Peace, in Europe, may be inferred from such words as the following, taken from an editorial in the last Herald of Peace, London: "During the last month there have been held at Brussels, a series of meetings of the most interesting and cheering nature to the friends of Peace. * The discussions have excited much interest throughout the continent and in this country," etc., etc. But I have indicated but a few of the results of this movement. Another, I will now briefly speak of. I am in a few hours to leave for Rome, to meet Prof. Mancini, Prof. Pierantoni, Count Sclopis (I hope), Mr. Field, Mr. Richard and others, for the purpose of organizing a national association for Italy. It gives me great pleasure to say an organization has just been effected in this city, and effected under the most favorable auspices, for carrying out an important provision of the International Conference. By the constitution of the Conference local committees or societies, according to the nationalities of their members, were to be constituted, with power, to add to their number, and to do all such acts as may be necessary for carrying into effect the objects of the Conference within their respective limits. These local committees or societies will be especially competent to deal with International Law, public and private, in which the respective nations may be interested. These national societies are to report, from time to time, their proceedings to the bureau of the International Association, and are to have power to nominate persons to be elected members of the International body. They will hold frequent meetings, at which the questions connected with International Law and Arbitration are to be discussed, and elaborate papers will be prepared, expressing the views of leading publicists of each nation. These papers will be presented at the annual meeting of the International Association, and thus a comparison of views entertained in different Countries may lead to a discovery of those principles in which To carry the provision above stated into effect, so far as per. tains to France, a goodly number of eminent publicists assembled on the afternoon of October 6th, at the rooms of the Franklin Library in this city,and organized a National Association. The board of officers elected were as follows:-Charles Giraud, of the Institute, Professor of International Law at the Paris Ecole de Droit, and one of the Vice-Presidents of the International Couference, was chosen President; M. E. de Parieu, of the Institute, late Minister, and M. Couchy, of the Institute, Vice-Presidents; Frederic Passy, economist and publicist, Secretary-General; Henry Bellair, Secretary; Joseph Garnier, of the Institute, Secretaire perpetuel de la Societe des Economists; MM. Paul Biallay, Conseiller Cour des Comptes, Charles Calvo, of the Institute, late Minister, and M. Masse, Conseiller à la Cour de Cassation, were elected a provisional council. Arrangements were completed for holding semi-monthly meetings for the discussion of an International Code, arbitration, and related topics. A very deep and lively interest was manifested in the great cause, for the prosecution of which the Association has been formed, and there can be no doubt France will nobly do her part in the prosecution of an enterprise which is intimately connected with the peace and welfare of all the nations of the earth. We are preparing for the organization of similar National Societies in Switzerland, Italy, Germany, Holland and other countries, and we hope that, ere long, all the great nations, by their representatives, will be joined in a league for the consideration of the great questions, upon the right decision of which the best good of all depends. BOSTON PEACE MEETINGS. The peace gathering at the Shawmut Avenue Universalist Church on Sunday evening, November 30th, was very largely attended. It was an audience good for the eyes. Mrs. Julia Ward Howe "prophesied " in womanly hopefulness and faith of the sure progress of peace principles, and of the mission to which woman was called in the building up of the kingdom of peace on earth. William Lloyd Garrison, the old anti-slavery warrior, waved the olive branch with a strong hand and a stout heart. He took the radical ground that no war, under any circumstances, is consistent with love and brotherhood. He would be glad to see the army and navy abolished. He regarded the old maxim, " In times of peace prepare for war," as absurd as to say, "in times of good fellowship prepare for a row." At this meeting notice was given that another, of a kindred character, would be held at the new South Free Church two weeks later. This meeting was held according to notice, but as no special persons were announced as speakers it was not largely attended. But great things are not always best things, and in all reform movements especially, small meetings have their mission and accomplish their work as truly as large ones. At this meeting, Mr. Tilden, pastor of the church, spoke particularly of "International Arbitration" as the rallying point of effect, around which all the friends of peace, of all shades of opinion, might gather; of the Treaty of Washington," and its large and grand results; of the work of the friends of peace in England, waking up the masses of the people by public meetings, and the organization of societies and leagues for ་་ This the diffusion of peace principles, and the substitution of reason for passion in the settlement of national difficulties. work of our English friends was referred to as indicating the kind of work greatly needed to be done in our own land. The speaker alluded to the resolutions in behalf of international arbitration, offered in Congress by Senator Sumner, and the necessity of buttressing those resolutions with petitions from the people in their behalf. Dr. Cornell of this city, followed with an earnest appeal for the inculcation of peace principles in the home and in the education in the young, since we cannot hope for a manhood controlled by principles of peace while the war spirit is fostered and stimulated in childhood. He was followed by Mr. E. D. Draper, a peace man of thirty years devotion to the cause, who spoke of Christ as the great peace leader, of the clear and unmistakable character of His teaching, and of the principles of Christianity as the solid base on which the true peace edifice must be reared. So the circle of thought was completed,-Christianity the foundation,-home nurture, public instruction, the waking up of the people, petitions, congressional action, international arbitration, the means,-universal peace the grand result. What concerns us most just now is the efficient use of means. What minister in our city will next open his church for a public meeting in behalf of "Peace on earth and good will among men"? Dont't all speak at once. W. P. T. AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY. At a meeting of the officers of the American Peace Society held at their rooms on the 26th November, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: Resolved, That recent events threatening to disturb the peaceful relations between the United States and Spain tend to create grave aprrehension on the part of the friends of peace throughout the civilized world. WHITTIER'S WORD. It is encouraging to see how the recent war clamor called out noble utterances in favor of peace. It is evident that the old war hounds cannot hereafter have their own way unchallenged. We have already entered a new era. Among those who spoke a timely word was that great lover of man, John G. Whittier. The following is his letter to our noble Sumner. It is as pleassant reading now the danger is over as before: "Thanks for thy manly and just letter on the Cuban difficulty. It was the word needed. The summary shooting of the passengers of the Virginius-filibusters as they may have been, and So have been probably were-is shocking and unjustifiable. the wholesale butcheries in France, both by the commune and the government. But in this case, no man among us so regrets. and deplores the bloody deed as do Castelar and the intelligent republicans of Spain. If we seize this occasion to strike at them, we give direct aid and comfort to Ultramontane Popery, to Don Carlos and the cruel priesthood who are fighting against republicanism in Europe. We do a deed in crushing out the republic of Spain, under its noble President, which can only find its parallel of atrocity in the crushing out of the Roman republic by the so-called French republic of 1849). Heaven preserve us sels will prevail, and that the only demand of our government upon from such infamy! I hope and believe wiser and worthier counSpain shall be the speedy emancipation of the enslaved in Cuba, and the rights and liberties pertaining to citizens of the Spanish republic secured to the people of all classes in her dependencies. Believe me always and truly thy friend, JOHN G. WHITTIER." IMPORTANT MEASURE. On December 1st, in the Senate of the United States, Mr. Sumner submitted the following resolutions: war is Whereas by international law and existing custom recognized as a form of trial for the determination of differences between nations; and irrational character of this arbitrament, where force instead of Whereas for generations good men have protested against the Resolved, That while the American Peace Society cannot but justice prevails, and have anxiously sought for a substitute in regard the atrocious and summary execution of many of the of-the nature of a judicial tribunal, all of which was expressed by "When will mankind be conficers, passengers and crew of the Virginius as in violation of Franklin in his exclamation: the common rights of humanity, whether sanctioned by Spanish law or not, yet they fail to discover any adequate reason for hastily plunging two friendly nations into the horrors of war. Resolved, That this society would express the earnest hope that the Government of the United States will not yield to the clamor of foreign emissaries and their sympathizers who, through a portion of the press, are inciting a spirit of war and thereby urging it to measures of violence against a friendly power now struggling to rise to the dignity of a Republic, and for acts which it is not known that she sanctions, especially as there is no known precedent as to the facts or principles in this case by which it must be adjusted. and vinced that all wars are follies, very expensive and very mischievous, and agree to settle their differences by arbitration? " Whereas war once prevailed in the determination of differences between individuals, between cities, between counties, and between provinces, being recognized in all these cases as the arbiter of justice, but at last yielded to a judicial tribunal, and now, in the progress of civilization, the time has come for the extension of this humane principle to nations, so that their differences may be taken from the arbitrament of war, and, in conformity with these examples, submitted to a judicial tribunal; and Whereas arbitration has been formally recognized as a subResolved, That we would respectfully appeal to the Govern-stitute for war in the determination of differences between ments of Spain and the United States to recognize the evident nations, being especially recommended by the Congress of tendency and spirit of the age toward the pacific settlement of Paris, where were assembled the representatives of England, international questions, as indicated by the recent action of France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, Sardinia, and Turkey, and Great Britain and the United States, and we cannot doubt that afterward adopted by the United States in formal treaty with such calm deliberation as shall make it possible by diplomacy depredations of British crusiers, and also from opposing claims Great Britain for the determination of differences arising from and arbitration to bring to a satisfactory conclusion all pending with regard to the San Juan boundary, and questions between Spain and the United States will be consistent with the honor and dignity of both nations, and cannot fail to command the approval of the moral judgment of mankind. character of this beneficent tribunal, thus commended and Whereas it becomes important to consider and settle the true adopted, so that its authority and completeness as a substitute for war may not be impaired, but strengthened and upheld, to the end that civilization may be advanced and war be limited in its sphere: Therefore, The South Carolina Peace Society met in annual session October 7, 1873. Though the number of members present was small, yet all the business of the meeting was transacted in a (1.) Resolved, That in the determination of international most agreeable and hopeful spirit. At no time has the faith and differences arbitration should become a substitute for war in repurpose of the brethren been stronger or more hopeful.-Chris-ality as in name, and therefore, co-extensive with war in jurisdictian Neighbor. tion, so that any question or grievance which might be the occa sion of war or of misunderstanding between natious should be LETTER OF COUNT SCLOPIS TO AUGUSTE considered by this tribunal. We are sure this will be regarded as a timely and important measure. It will be hailed with joy by the friends of peace on both sides of the Atlantic. Let the noble Senator be supported by the pulpit and press, by the voice of the people, and petition in a word by the power of all the friends of God and man throughout the land. The nations of Europe are moving in the same line. Leading men are actively seeking the practical result of arbitration as a substitute for war, and it will come, "for," as William Ladd was accustomed to say, "the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." VISSCHERS. Turin, Sept., 1873. conferred upon me in sending me, in the names also of your SIR-I feel flattered and grateful for the honor you have illustrious colleagues, a special invitation to be present to the international conference for the reformation and codification of the law of nations, which is to take place at Brussels on the 10th of October next. Unfortunately for me I must join to the expression of my heart-felt gratitude, that of the deep regret I feel at finding myself under the impossibility of going to a reYou will union in which I take the most particular interest. that at that very time I shall have the duty of taking part in the pity me, sir, without reproaching me too much, when you hear works of the municipal council of Turin of which I am one of the oldest members. Some special circumstances do not allow me to be absent however, that I shall be present in mind among you; my most from home during the meeting of this session. Be assured, heartfelt wishes will follow you in the course of your deliberations, that you may reach the end you aim at. My powers are insufficient for me to aspire to contribute profitably to the work you pursue with so much zeal and talent, ARBITRATION AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR. The following overture to the General Assembly, was unan-but, if in some way, quite modest and quiet, I could associate imously adopted by the Presbytery of Cayuga, at its recent regular meeting at Meridian : Whereas, The Duty of Substituting Arbitration for War, in the settlement of differences between nations, as exemplified in the recent successful Geneva Arbitration, is now engaging the favorable attention of the world; and whereas action has been taken by the General Assemblies and Conferences of several of the large religious bodies of Great Britain, asking the British Government to invite other nations to unite with them, in seeking to make International Arbitration systematic and permanent, and such action has been taken by the British Government; therefore myself to your grand and beautiful enterprise, I should be most happy to employ myself in it with activity. The opportunities will not be wanting to put in evidence some steady and salutary principles on the subject of the laws of nations, and to promote their application, all men of sense, all those who take to heart the real interests of humanity and the progress of civilization, cannot remain strangers to the great movement of opinion, which is favorable to your design, and which takes every day more and more consistency. It is to be hoped that the governments, better enlightened in respect to their real interest, will understand how very advantageous it would be for them to rouse themselves to the true principles of the laws which are to protect nations. I love to Resolved, That we hereby overture the next General quote here a few sentences taken from the writings of an illusAssembly with the request that action be taken by the Assem-trious French magistrate who honored me with his friendship, bly approving of International Arbitration, and of the leading part hitherto taken by the Government of the United States in promoting it; and that the General Assembly requests our National Government to unite with Great Britain in attempting to secure among nations such means of peaceful adjudication as may render Arbitration the settled policy of nations. OUR INDIAN POLICY. Count Portalis : Peace," said he, " is more than a right; peace is the safeguard of all rights, wherever discord reigns there also violence, with it. Peace is the right of all, it is the natural state of all which acknowledges no other right but that of force reigns political societies. Morals are the rights of peace. Let not people say that these are commonplace words to which they will pay no more attention. They are, on the contrary, eternal truths, which are to come to light in the midst of the present circumstances. The time is come when we must cling to these maxims to save social order which is so seriously threatened in these days. The Secretary of the Interior regards the present situation of the Indian service asja vindication of the propriety and practicability of the policy now adopted in our dealings with the Indians, the main object of this policy being their restraint and elevation through firm but kind treatment. There have been Civilization claims some care whose interests are subverted among them an increased interest in educational matters, a by the war system. Mr. Henry Richard, who has so wellgrowing willingness to engage in industrial pursuits, a desire for merited of humanity, in his speech at the House of Commons, the division of lands, and an increase of stock and farm pro- July 8th, has been able to say with as much eloquence as truth, ducts. It was not expected that so radical a change in the man- Populations ask for bread and governments give them bulagement of those who had formerly roved at will could be effect- lets; they ask for a useful education and governments give them ed without resistance on their part, and a show of force on the military exercise; they ask for better dwellings in which it part of the government, and the latter is not discouraged by the may be possible for them to lead an honest and decent family obstructions thus far met with. On the contrary, it looks for-life, and governments give them barracks and fortifications." ward to ultimate success with entire confidence. I understand perfectly the necessity that a nation may have to make war to acquire her independence or to ensure her political existence, attacked by enemies, but I could not lend myself to justify any other cause of hostility. It often has appeared to me while reading some historical books, I have remarked that the final result of a long war was less a favor to the nation which had caused the war than might have been obtained by way of negotiations before the final rupture. The Secretary acknowledges the cordial and earnest co-operation of the Secretary of War and the officers of the army in carrying out the Indian Policy, and of valuable aid rendered by the Board of Indian Commissioners, especially its President. Hon. Felix R. Brunot, and the various religious sects that select the Indian agents of the government. He says, in closing this part of his report, "A continuance of this work, sustained by the other branches of the public service just referred to, will, I have At this present day nothing resists the opinion which is rootno doubt, in a few years, result in greatly improving the moral ed in the mind of the people, and expressed by their legal orand physical condition of the Indians, and in giving security to gans. That is precisely the great advantage of free nations, our frontier settlements from Indian depredations, as well as in and of constitutional government. We must, therefore, try to laying a permanent foundation for the progress of our various convince and persuade, according to these ideas, the enlightened Indian tribes in the pursuits of peace and civilization."-Watch-classes of society. We must get the Parliamentary majority man and Reflector, to enter into these views. Italy has just given an excellent example of this kind of pacific demonstration in the address of felicitation to Mr. Henry Richard, signed by distinguished notabilities of this country without any distinction of political parties or of official precedents. Let us, therefore, try to act on public opinion by the double force of reason and of sentiment. Let us endeavor to destroy the ridiculous importance of the false sense of honor. Let us repeat, over and over again, that it is not on the battle-fields that we succeed in establishing the pillars that are to support the shaken edifice of society. As soon as those truths shall have gained the explicit adhesion of the working and intelligent classes of society we may then cry loudly: “Multis melior una triumphis." pax I perceive, perhaps rather late, sir, that I have trespassed on your patience. I beg your pardon for it, and I hope your indulgence will not fail me. I even dare to lenghten still more this letter to tell you that it seems to me it would not be positively useless for the conference to take into consideration the three rules expressed in the sixth article of the treaty of Washington. There is in that a theme on which diplomacy will probably exercise itself, and from which nothing less can spring than consequences worthy of the greatest attention. Be kind enough, sir, to offer my very respectful compliments to the Honorable Mr. D. Dudley Field, also to the Rev. James B. Miles. Will you kindly present my most friendly regards to Professor Mancini, and receive the assurance of the sentiments of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be your devoted friend, FREDERICK SCLOPIS. LETTER FROM DR. HEFFTER, PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN, GERMANY, TO DR. J. B. MILES.. SIR-The Provisional Committee for the reform and codification of the law of nations, has done me the honor to invite me to attend the International Conference, which will be opened on the 10th of October, as you have been kind enough to announce in advance by your letter of the 17th of September. Although I regard the noble aim of the Conference as the common cause of humanity, and therefore as my own cause, I must, however, declare myself as quite incapable of lending the committee my personal assistance. You must know, sir, that I have already accomplished my seventy-seventh year, and that the exigencies of that age do not permit me to expose myself to a journey of any considerable distance, or to a prolonged sojourn which would bring too great a change to my familiar habits. Feeling very thankful for the flattering invitation, the acceptance of which would have brought me in contact with many distinguished persons, I see myself compelled to a painful declination, and I beg you to present my excuses to the honorable Association and the Committee. Still I shall accompany the conference and all your proceedings with my most ardent good wishes. I even venture to offer on my part, a suitable co-operation with the subsequent endeavors of the conference according to the decisions, which will be made by it, as long as my enfeebled strength will allow. Receive, sir, the assurance of my highest considerations. HEFFTER. ITALY. At an influential meeting held at Rome on the 26th ult., at which D. D. Field, an eminent lawyer of New York, and M. Richard, Secretary of the Paris Peace Society, were present, it was decided that an Italian Committee should be organized in connection with the Juridical Congress of Brussels. Count Sclopis, the Italian member of the Geneva Board of Arbitration, and General Garibaldi were appointed honorary members of the committee. In the Chamber of Deputies, on the 24th, a member named Mancini made an eloquent speech in support of the principle of arbitration, and praised the conduct of the United States and Great Britain in the settlement of the Alabama claims. After the speech, a resolution recommending the introduction of an arbitration clause in all future treaties with foreign powers, was unanimously adopted. A PLEA FOR PEACE. Extracts from a sermon delivered Nov. 27, 1873, at the Thanksgiving Union Service in the Broadway Methodist Church. South Boston, by Rev. E. A. Rand. Exodus XXXII: 17, There is a noise of war in the camp. For the past few weeks there has been a busy, warlike ferment in the land reminding one of the above words of Joshua to Moses at Sinai. As a matter of fact, "there is a noise of war in the camp." War, war," clicked the little hammer under the hand of the operator in the telegraph office. "War, war," shrieked the whistle of the locomotive bringing north by express the fiery New York dailies. "War, war," rang out the hammers beating at the government yards. And the black sunset guns at the nation's forts seem to boom out sullenly," War." And yet it is not hard to see how this ferment was excited. There is a war in Cuba. It may be a petty one, and still is a war against the dominant power in Cuba. Slavery exists in Cuba. The impression prevails that the wrestle with the dominant power in Cuba, if successful, will bring down slavery That idea of free Cuba and Republican Cuba excited sympathy here, and commendably. But are we assured of this fact? I notice that William Lloyd Garrison, that tried friend of freedom, strongly doubts whether the success of the war in Cuba means emancipation. If there is a soul struggling to come up into the light of greater privileges, if there is a movement meaning emancipation, give the man and the movement your sympathy.-There are always two roads that can be taken in such a case-one right, the other wrong. We believe war with Spain to be the wrong road. also. There is another cause for the excitement. It is complained that the nation's sense of honor has been struck at. A true sense of honor is a credit to any nation. But what a pity it is that men's sense of honor must principally be manifested in fighting! There are men whose word is not worth the air used in saying it, who don't hesitate to run up bills everywhere and never pay them, who utter slanderous stories and do mean things without making reparation. If they are just jostled in the street, then they are mad with excitement, swagger, button up their coats, turn up their sleeves, and talk about honor and a fight. As if honor were limited to the matter of taking and giving blows! It is honorable for a man to pay his debts, regard his word and keep the peace. I am disgusted sometimes with this talk about a nation's sense of honor. It is oftentimes only a cruel, proud, vindictive feeling, no more to be encouraged in a people than in an individual. If it means to protect its children wherever they are, to fold them in its flag and make them sacred as with its own majesty, that is commendable, but it does not follow that a nation must always fight to do it. Let a nation especially have a sharp sense of honor by taking high and Christian ground on all subjects, by paying its debts and by encouraging peace. The sense of honor among nations always insisting on war and ready to load up its batteries and blaze away any moment, is disgusting to me, as I said before. It makes me think of two cats that I saw a little while ago on my backyard fence, heading for one another with eyes like locomotive lights and backs up stiff as arches of stone. times as much reason as that to a so-called nation's honor, and when war comes it is just a beast-fight, There is often Another reason for this excitement. There is always a good deal of unemployed talent in the country. It is the Micawbertalent without its inoffensiveness: the talent waiting for something to turn up. It is a talent that don't like work: a talent fond of speculation, adventure, filibuster. Some of it you can start out any time by beating a drum before our drinking saloons. New York has a good deal of this precious unemployed talent. Then some of the military men of the country-I don't speak of them as a class, but some I say, are dying for a brass-button glory. They want war: something to break up this dreadful dullness, something to make their names stars: not stars but suns in history. Then there is a class having an eye to business and they want war. There is money to be made in this thing. Shoddy always favors war. Shoddy likes to make the banners it never |