After the Session was over, the Emperor further gratified his Hungarian subjects by making a tour through the south-eastern portions of the kingdom, which he had never visited before. At Temesvar he was met by a special envoy from the Sultan. The abstention of the Prince of Servia from showing a similar token of respect was the subject of much remark, and was supposed to be owing to the discouragement given by Austria to certain ambitious designs cherished by that ruler with a view to emancipating himself from the sovereignty of the Porte.

The new elections for the Hungarian Diet took place in June. It was opened on the 4th of September by Francis Joseph in person, just before his journey to Berlin. This year, according to constitutional law, the delegations of the dual empire met at Pesth, as they had met at Vienna the year preceding. The Emperor received them on the 16th, on his return from Berlin. His recent successful interview with his brother Emperors at that capital had given fresh confidence in the maintenance of peace, and the Delegations opened under unusually cheerful auspices. The publication of the so-called "Red Book," which was to give an account of the foreign policy pursued by the Government, called Count Andrassy to the front, to give replies to information asked for by Dr. Giskra in reference to that department of affairs. Some of these replies may be cited here, as serving to show the attitude of the Austrian Government in reference to certain leading political matters. reply to questions concerning the recent meeting at Berlin, Count Andrassy stated that "no political arrangements were made" during the Imperial meeting; but that an "exchange of views " had taken place between the Ministers of the three Powers, which was "perfectly satisfactory." The most important consequence of this exchange of views was the assurance given to Austria "that certain Panslavist tendencies, which continue to strive to bring the two States" (Austria and Russia) "into antagonism with each other, find no support in Russian official circles." Such a statement from a Minister who, like most Hungarian statesmen, was formerly known as a bitter enemy of Russia, naturally produced a great sensation in the delegations, and the German papers lost no time in inferring that a rapprochement must have taken place between the two countries.

As regarded Italy, the Minister laid great stress on the existence of most amicable relations with that State. The only difficult point concerning them was the relation of the Romish Church to the Italian Government. In that respect the Austro-Hungarian Government had endeavoured by perfect frankness, and an explanation of its really sincere intentions, to make its views acceptable without hurting the legitimate national feeling. The Government had used the same frank language on both sides, because only in this way was it possible to arrive at a solution really useful to both parties. The Government had avoided, at the same time, all that might have had the appearance of pressure from without, and

which would only have made an understanding between the parties more difficult. The Minister could assure the Assembly that that language had been fully appreciated on the part of the Italian Government.

To the question what attitude the Government had assumed with regard to the measures adopted in Germany against the Jesuits, the answer of the Minister was that he laid peculiar stress on good relations with Germany, and considered them the basis of the policy of the Government; and that these good relations demanded only that neither State should take advantage of the internal difficulties of the other. To go beyond this, and to interpret these friendly relations so that each State should make every momentary internal difference in the other its own affair, was a policy in which the Minister could not share, and which he had never been called upon to espouse. He could only add that his view in this respect was fully shared by the leading statesmen of Germany. Any measures that might be required were the duty of the Legislature. If complications should arise a thing he did not expect then only would the Minister for Foreign Affairs have to take the responsibility for them.

The last question put to Count Andrassy was what attitude the Government had taken with respect to Rome, and respecting the encroachment of the Papal Curia in the internal affairs of Austria.

Count Andrassy's answer to this was that with regard to the internal affairs of Austria he had always consistently maintained them to be outside his sphere of action. He had heard the question of the Concordat settled when he took office; as for the rest, he must declare that the situation was as clear and defined with respect to Rome as with respect to Italy; and, frank as his language was with the Papal See, he must acknowledge equally frankly that he had never found any interference on the part of the Papal See in the internal affairs of Austria.

A long discussion took place on the Addresses to be presented in answer to the Speech from the Throne. No less than five of these Addresses were to be sent up, representing the different fractions of the Chamber, not grouped as Conservatives, Liberals, and Radicals, but as those who were for upholding, or cancelling, or modifying in different ways, the constitutional compromise concluded by Hungary with Austria in 1867. The debate was a weary one, till enlivened on the 7th of October by a speech from Baron Sennyey, the exPresident of the Supreme Court at Pesth, who, though a member of the old Conservative party, had long enjoyed the reputation of being one of the ablest statesmen in Hungary. Baron Sennyey had only just been elected for the first time as a member of the Lower House, and he took the opportunity of declaring that although he would not sacrifice his principles, he was ready to recognize the existing state of things, and take an active part in political life. His speech was a splendid piece of oratory, and the position of the speaker, combined with his pungent criticisms of the doctrinaire policy of the

S

present Government in Hungary, gave it the importance of a political event.

An animated debate on the Army Estimates took place on the 9th and 10th of October. In the Estimates proposed by the Minister of War, an increase of 37,000l. sterling was required on the demand of the previous year, for the purpose of maintaining 28,000 additional infantry on the peace effective. This gave rise to hot discussions in the delegations, and the measure was very nearly lost, owing to the position taken up by the German Liberal party, usually the supporters of the Government. At last, however, through the exertions of Prince Carlos Auersperg, who was an influential member of that party, backing up the personal intervention of his brother, the Minister-President, the increased Estimates were passed by 32 against 24 votes. Some cases of official corruption which came before the civil courts at this time, caused almost more excitement than the political contest on the Army Estimates.

Some time previously the Government had discovered bribes to have been taken by the Conscription Commissioners in Galicia from Jews who might prefer that mode of answering their military obligations to the inconvenience of personal service. The matter was privately investigated, but no conclusive evidence was then found. It was judged, however, that the abuse must be stopped by setting a deterrent example; consequently-so the charge set forth-the means was resorted to of employing an agent provocateur, by name Nuchim Karmelin, to induce young Jews to offer bribes to the conscription officers, who were instructed to accept them, in order subsequently to appear as evidence against the bribers. The case became complicated by the orders of the Civil Conscription Commission to re-examine fourteen Jews who had been declared unqualified. This compelled Karmelin to obtain possession of the conscription-lists, which he was enabled to do by aid of the commanding officer. The fraud was, however, discovered; and Karmelin was placed in the dock accordingly.

Another case of corruption was brought forward affecting Dr. George Schmidt, a magistrate of the Common Council in Vienna, who was asserted to have pledged for 200,000 francs his own vote and those of seven other members of the Council in favour of certain projects advanced by M. Pontonnier, the agent of the French Market Company (Markthallen Consortium). And, thirdly, Government, acting on a complaint laid before the Emperor by the Archduke Albert, took the resolution of sequestrating the LembergCzernowitz Railway, in consequence of its mismanagement by Baron Ofenheim, one of the directors, who had largely enriched himself at the expense of the public interest.

Before the year closed, Count Lonyay was forced the Presidentship of the Hungarian Ministry

ceeded Count Andrassy when that state

Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs tion. He had never worked well wit

who were not friends of his own choosing; and their relations amounted to a sort of armed neutrality, very detrimental to the public service. An insinuation brought against the integrity of the Minister by M. Csernatony, a member of the Extreme Left, on the 18th of November, brought matters to a crisis. M. Csernatony had indeed to apologize, but Count Lonyay received such feeble support from his colleagues that on a visit which he soon after had occasion to pay at Vienna, the Ministry there requested him to resign. A successor to his post was found in M. Szlavy, late Minister of Commerce in the Hungarian Cabinet.

In Austria Proper the course of history this year had been singularly uneventful. The Auersperg Ministry held on its way, and did not until near the close of the year lift the veil from its promised scheme of electoral reform. On the 16th of December Prince Auersperg summoned a conference of certain deputies of the Reichsrath, and laid before them the outline of his project. Its leading features were announced to be as follows:-The members of the Lower House to be henceforth elected by all persons entitled to the suffrage. The number of members of the Lower House to be increased to 120. Each electoral district to elect one deputy. Every one entitled to vote for a member of the Diet also to be entitled to vote for a member of the Reichsrath. The votes to be given in writing. An absolute majority to be necessary for the election of a candidate. Those entitled to vote in any one province to be eligible in all the provinces. The duration of the period for which a member is elected to be six years.

On the 14th the Austrian Minister of Finance, Baron de Pretis, laid the final accounts of the year 1871 and the Estimates for 1873 before the Reichsrath. It appeared that the estimated expenditure for 1873 exceeded that of last year by 25,500,000 florins, and that the estimated revenue for 1873 exceeded that of the past year by nearly 19,000,000 florins. No use had been made during the current year of the sums voted by the Reichsrath for extraordinary purposes. After reserving the cash balance of 1872, amounting to 18,000,000 florins, for the support of the money market, and 25,000,000 florins for meeting the heavy requirements of the first quarter of 1873, there would still be available cash balances amounting to 21,000,000 florins to cover requirements for 1873, so that the financial year of 1873 would close with a surplus of 3,500,000 florins. The Minister attributed this favourable financial result principally to the increase in revenue from taxes, and expressed a belief that there was, at last, a prospect of the Budget being balanced. This financial statement was received with great satisfaction.

Soon afterwards the social and political circles of Vienna were much agitated by the Duc de Gramont's intimation to the French Committee of Inquiry at Versailles that he was about to make public certain documents in his possession proving the previous concurrence of Austria with France in the project of war with Germany

in 1870. One of these documents was even said to be the authentic draught of a treaty of alliance between the two Empires. Immediately a war of explanations, contradictions, and recriminations set in and when the year came to an end, the public mind was looking forward to either an interesting series of revelations, or, as seemed more probable, to the detection of a baffled statesman's mare's nest.

CHAPTER IV.

ITALY.-Vatican and Quirinal-Relation to French Politics-Cardinal HohenloheOld Catholics in France and at Rome-Abbé Michaud-Père Hyacinthe-Russia, Turkey, and the Vatican-Italian Parliament-Death of Mazzini-Municipal Elections at Rome and Naples-Eruption of Vesuvius-Autumn Floods-Financial Statement-Religious Corporations Bill-Pope's Allocution-Retirement of M. de Bourgoing.

SPAIN. Sagasta Ministry-Dissolution of Cortes-New Elections-Carlist Insurrection-Battle of Oroquieta -Convention of Amorevieta-Ministry of SerranoMinistry of Zorrilla-Dissolution of the Cortes-Attempted Assassination of the King-Fire at the Escurial-Revolt at Ferrol-Impeachment of Sagasta Ministry -Financial Measure of Gomez-Bill for Abolition of Slavery in Porto RicoDisordered Condition of the Country.

BELGIUM.-Comte de Chambord-Lagrand Dumonceaux-Elections-Strikes. NETHERLANDS.-Tercentenary-Death of M. Thorbecke-International Association Congress at the Hague.

SWITZERLAND.-Rejection of Federal Reform-Geneva Arbitration-Bishop Mermillod-New Elections.

SWEDEN.-Millennial Celebration in Norway-Death of King Charles XV.
DENMARK.-King's Speech-Storms in the Baltic.

RUSSIA. Second Centenary Celebration of Birth of Peter the Great-Condition of
Russia-Finances-Statistical Congress-Policy in Foreign Affairs, and in Central
Asia-War with Khiva.

TURKEY.- Armenian and Bulgarian Church Questions — Ministerial ChangesQuestion of Succession to the Throne-Egypt and Abyssinia-Jews in Roumania -Servian Principality.

GREECE.-Ministerial Changes-Question of the Mines of Laurium.

ITALY.

THE Nazione, a Florentine journal, published at the beginning of the year an interesting article on the "dualist" representation of foreign Powers at Rome:-"The King is at the Quirinal, the Pope at the Vatican. There are two Courts, two societies, two diplomatic bodies, each with its own tendencies, passions, and interests. The diplomatists accredited to the Vatican are often more Popish than the Pope; they imagine that they alone are the real representatives of their respective Governments, and look upon their colleagues who are accredited to the Italian Government almost in the light of usurpers."