to labor wherever and whenever in powerbecause they were rightly in terror of the greater and more immediate threat to the labor organization by the re-election of a Republican president, congress and judiciary.

"The leading American farmers urged their followers to vote the Republican ticket, while confessing that the Republican party had refused absolutely to give them even so cheap and empty a thing as a "political promise" of the reform which they and their followers know to be absolutely necessary for the establishment of a truly democratic government in the United States-because they knew that the Democratic party is now and has been for forty years absolutely under the whip of the violently undemocratic, reactionary and plutocratic Bourbons of the South, and the slum politicians, the liquor interests and common criminals of Tammany Hall-the political mouthpiece of the giant traction trust and the pliant tool of Wall Street.

"While there appears to be division and even fundamental difference of opinion among the forces of radical reform, the slightest examination into all of their demands demonstrates absolutely that all such movements, which have been dignified by a large following of the American people, held in common many identical interests.

"What honest radical party of large following is hostile to any of the leading democratic social reforms?

(1) The Initiative and Referendum. (2) Proportional Representation.

(3) The Right of Recall.

(4) The direct election of:

The Judges of the Supreme Court.
The President.

The United States Senators.

(5) The prohibition of the newly extended and iniquitous use of the injunction.

"Or:

(1) The Graduated Income Tax.

(2) The Graduated Inheritance Tax.

(3) Taxation of ground rent.

(4) The national ownership-by a people's government-of the railroads and monopolized industries.

(5) The issuing of money direct by the government without the intervention of national banks of a full legal tender for all debts, public and private.

"Not only are all reformers as one in advocating these measures, but they urge that political reform accompany economic reform. It is absolutely essential that the government pass into the hands of the people.

"A closer examination of these demands shows that all radical reform movements not only hold most of their demands in common, but will inevitably be forced-before a single radical reform can be realized-to common action. Every social or democratic reform runs dead against the Constitution of the United States!

"Sooner or later, with the fateful regularity of clock-work, the now consolidated interests that govern us, guided by corporation lawyers, will take shelter behind one of the innumerable "useful" clauses or judicial interpretations of the Constitution.

"It is evident that not any one-but many changes are needed in our system of government. What we require to establish equality and democracy in this land is not verbal changes in our outgrown constitution, but a completely new spirit of true democracy in our government-a new constitution!

"Indeed, the greatest dangers to united action among the radicals are the proposals now being made for isolated amendments. The majority of one of the plutocratic parties -a large minority in the other-demand an amendment for the direct election of senators.

"Even the plutocrats need a change in their own interests. Well-known writers of both the old parties are considering how amendments can be made to the constitution without danger to their peculiar interests. They are already demanding that it shall be done behind closed doors-so that the people can be excluded from voicing their wishes. The shrewdest of their corporation lawyers are even now plotting how they can make the changes desired by the monopolized money interests, and at the same time defeat the reforms demanded by the people.

"Above all, they wish to avoid an open constitutional assembly. They will insist on amendment by congress and the state legislatures. The outgrown constitution must be changed, but it must be changed in the open for the benefit and by the effort of all the people.

"What is needed is a simple constitution, one easily conformable to the changing needs of the nation and free from limitations and restrictions on the power of the people of this and succeeding generations to adopt such laws as may seem to them desirable.

"Even if a constitutional assembly is forced from the ruling class by threatening waves of popular opinion, still they will hope by legal jugglery-and even without constitu

tional warrant-arbitrarily to limit the discussion of the convention to detailed amendments instead of allowing a complete revision of all its antiquated and discredited elements and the establishment of a new constitution adapted to the political and economic principles and present-day needs of the American nation.

"A popular constitutional assembly'-this must be our war cry.

"Despite the fundamental unity among all honest and progressive citizens we may be faced by a long and difficult struggle before we succeed in democratizing our form of government. And this is despite the fact that the American people has already made up its mind to what it wants.

It is because

of the violently conservative nature of the constitution which above all things obstruct amendment. It requires three-fourths of the states to change the constitution. A bare majority of the enfranchised citizens of thirteen states can prevent any change, and if the states were carefully chosen-for in this respect Delaware and Nevada are as strong as Ohio and Illinois-an easy calculation shows that one-twentieth of our people, if hey were controlled by the money interests, could block the enactment of any fundamental reform. It is as easy to get a new constitution as to get an amendment to the existing one."

All the important unions and many other bodies democratically organized have for generations been experimenting in modern democratic methods. Even some of the states are testing the Referendum, the method of direct nominations and other devices absolutely essential for bringing democracy from the realm of political theory into that of actual fact.

Only the Constitution of the United States has remained approximately what it was a hundred and twenty years ago. Only the laws which form the very basis of our national existence are unchangeable, even by the wish of an overwhelming majority of public opinion.

If labor neglects this opportunity for leadership, perhaps another may not occur for a generation. If, on the other hand, labor assumes that role of natural leadership in which she obtained for America two generations ago the two bases of our liberties, universal suffrage and public schools, she may at last reap the reward that history has sc often snatched from her hands:

Namely,

that of a permanently predominating influence in the councils of the nation. No such opportunity has ever been presented to the organized workers of any country of the world as that which is offered to the American labor movement.

President's Report.

To the Officers and Members of the International Association, Greeting:

On November 3d, I left Chicago for Kansas City to assist Local No. 10 in adjusting a dispute with a general contractor, this matter having been referred to me by the representatives of Local No. 10. I first had an interview with representatives of the firm in Chicago, and succeeded finally in adjusting the matter at Kansas City the day after my arrival. I addressed a well-attended meeting of Local No. 10 and was given respectful attention and a warm welcome. Local No. 10 has had many difficulties to contend with, especially during the past three years. Their troubles are by no means at an end. The spirit of unionism is still rampant amongst the rank and file, and their past record is a guarantee that they will succeed in overcoming their present and all future difficulties. I feel deeply grateful to Business Agent John Fitzpatrick for his hospitality and many courtesies extended to me during my short visit; also to Bro. W. J. McCain and to the rank and file of Local No. 10.

On November 6th I left for Denver and was in attendance at the 28th annual convention of the A. F. of L. from December 9th until its adjournment on December 21st. Questions of great moment concerning the future welfare of the wage-earners were passed on by this convention. Chief among them was the almost unanimous endorsement of the political program that had been formally adopted and advocated by the Executive Officers of the Federation and affiliated International unions. The aggressive political action of the executive head of the Federation in the last campaign was endorsed by the convention in adopting that part of President Gompers' report under the caption, "Legislation and Political Action." which is as follows:

"The American labor movement is not partisan to a political party; it is partisan to a principlethe principle of equal rights and human freedom. We call special attention to this statement in order that We may emphasize its soundness and

We

because it has to some extent been disputed. appeal to public opinion. We do our best to so cultivate it that it may become on subjects that we urge sufficiently extensive and strong to be crystallized into law. One political party deals with our policies and rejects them; another deals With them and adopts them; that is, it expresses itself as being in agreement with us on these policies, and if we are to remain true to the principles and policies which we have urged upon the public, we necessarily must work with such party for the accomplishment of our object. If an indorsement of our contentions by a political party is to compel us to abandon those contentions, then it needs but such indorsement of our very existence to compel us to disband. The thought needs but to be stated in order that it may be repudiated. Partisanship is exhibited by adherence to a party which refuses its indorsement, and non-partisanship consists in continued work for our principles, regardless of what any political party may do,"

Another part of President Gompers' report reads as follows:

now

At

"Our conventions have frequently declared that our movement has neither the right nor the desire to dictate how a memoer shall cast his vote. It has been my privilege and honor always so to insist. I have not departed and can not depart from that true trade-union course. the Minneapolis convention the following declaration was adopted: We must have with us in our economic movement, men of all parties as well as of all creeds, and the minority rights of the aumblest man to vote where he pleases and to worship where his conscience dictates must be sacredly guarded."

The report of the Committee on Officers' Reports was as follows:

"Your committee are in full accord with this expression and desire to reiterate the Minneapolis declaration, but we do hold that this declaration does not apply to an executive officer while he remains as such executive officer. Executive officers, when they are elected, are aware of the declared policies and purposes of the Federation. They assume the office for the purpose, so far as they can, of sustaining and giving effect to such declaration and policies as have been adopted. If, after more mature consideration, they find themselves unable to agree with, and feel that they must, in order to be true to themselves, proceed to oppose these adopted policies, or any adopted policy, your committee believe it to be their duty, as it certainly is their right, to resign from such office, and thus place themselves squarely within the Minneapolis declaration. Such action Would be honorable to themselves and advantageous to the movement."

The report of the committee, after some discussion, was adopted. President Gompers in closing his report makes the following statement:

"It has been my purpose to place before you the entire matter in connection with my participation in the campaign. whatever consequences it may

entail, I submit it to you for such judgment as you may deem best to render and such action as you may care to take. I am deeply conscious of this one fact, that I have endeavored to give voice to the wrongs which labor has endured and to which the toilers are subject. I have pleaded for the righting of these wrongs; I have pressed home to the fullest the sufferings and injustice done my fellows. To the very limit of whatever ability and power I may possess, I have thrown it into the scale of the cause of my fellow workers."

The committee reports as follows:

"In commenting on this statement of the Presi dent, we feel that he has gone to his fullest limit, physically and mentally, in carrying out the mandates of the previous conventions of the American Federation of Labor, as well as the conclusions reached by the conferences of the representatives of the national and international unions held in Washington, D. C., in the years 1906 and 1908, and we agree with the President when he says that the campaign as carried on by the American Federation of Labor was on a high plane; that the educational features are bound to be of lasting benefit, and that a greater moral victory has been won. We recommend that the policy be continued and that every effort be made to bring the principles for which we contended and for which we shall continue to contend, not only to all members of the labor movement, but to all friends and adherents of popular government."

This part of the President's report, with the committee's recommendation, was adopted. The Committee on President's Report also submitted the following:

"Under the caption, 'Economic Power Most Potent,' attention is again called to the fact that the most important everyday work we can do is to get our fellow workers organized on economic lines. The committee indorses the statements made by President Gompers and calls attention to the fact that by far the greater number of wage workers are as yet unaffiliated with our movement, partly because it is not understood and partly because of the conditions under which they live and work. We desire to say that there is no form or kind of work that could not have its conditions improved from day to day or rather from year to year, through organization on trade union lines and affiliation with the American Federation of Labor. We hope to see the day when all legitimate wage workers will be within the fold of organized labor and will enjoy that encouragement and improvement in their condition which come from the principles of mutual aid, understood and sincerely practiced. We should work to this end to the limit of our power, bringing to it such ability and self abnegation we have."

This was also adopted.

In calling your attention to these portions of President Gompers' report, I hope to make it clear to our membership just what organized labor stands for, politically and economically. Far too many of our wage workers

get their information through the daily press in a more or less garbled account highly colored to suit the purposes of those who print it. The convention, in my estimation, very fittingly replied to those who sought to discredit and vilify President Gompers by unanimously re-electing him and presenting him with a beautiful loving cup.

Recent court decisions ought to convince the most skeptical among the workers that political action along the lines adopted by the Federation is necessary and will, if persisted in, right the wrongs from which we suffer, and do away with judicial tyranny. Never in the history of the labor movement was there so much attention given in a political campaign to the demands of labor. This widespread discussion will redound to our benefit, its educational value is immense and I look for the near future to show that the wage workers cannot be ignored politically when they have grievances to redress.

Secretary Frank Morrison submitted a report that shows a steady growth in membership for the past year. The actual increase in paid-up membership was 47,915, making a grand total of paid-up membership September 30, 1908, of 1,586,885. The cash on hand also reached the highest mark yet attained. On September 30, 1908, there were 583 local trade and federal unions in good standing, with a defense fund to protect these unions in case of strike or lockout amounting to $105,282.09. The grand total on hand is $138,627.89.

There were 234 charters issued during the year. The panic and all things considered this is a very creditable showing. The Plasterers' International Union were chartered and seated at the Denver convention, which leaves but one international building trade without the fold of the American Federation of Labor.

Under the heading, "International Unions," President Gompers reports as follows:

"The international unions have done magnificent work in regard to membership, as well as in uplifting their respective crafts and callings. They have at least partially supported their unemployed. The declared policy of our Federation against wage reductions has found fruition, despite the industrial panic. Organized labor, even those unions unaffiliated, have taken up and accepted the advice given by our Federation, to resist wage reductions under any and all circumstances; aye, even the unorganized have taken some degree of courage and partially resisted.

"For the first time in the history of our own or any other country, an industrial crisis has come and will pass away, and a wholesale cutting

in wages, or, for that matter, cutting in wages at all, has practically been averted. Time has demonstrated the wisdom of our Federation's declaration on this, as upon other economic and political questions. We have clearly proved the soundness of the philosophy, that wage reductions are not only injurious, but their resistance and prevention are the most rational and most rapid method of emerging from an industrial crisis or panic, whether brought on by the manipulations of princes of finance' or the blundering of the captains of industry. I again strongly urge labor's persistent resistance to any wage reductions, nor can I permit this opportunity to pass by without expressing my great appreciation of the readiness with which the officers of our international unions responded to the invitation to meet last March in conference in Washington, to meet the emergencies which arise in our industrial and political life.

"In addition to the 583 local unions affiliated there are 38 state federations and 608 city central bodies. There is a marked advancement in the growth of our organized labor movement, and there are no bodies more effective in carrying into execution the policies and principles for which our movement stands, than these state federations and city central labor organizations. Their influence for good is marked and widespread. By reason of their local and constant mingling with the rank and file of the toilers in their respective states and localities, they inspire the feelings of unity, fraternity and solidity among the workers and all right thinking men. It is, therefore, all the greater gratification to find so general a feeling of respect and confidence among the oflìcers and delegates to state federations, central labor bodies and the local unions of our great movement. It is my earnest wish that these feelings, sentiments, and convictions of a common purpose shall still further be cultivated so that it may permeate all those enlisted in the great cause of labor and humanity, the grand army of labor under the banner of the American Federation of Labor."

This 28th annual convention was one of the most successful ever held. There were 321 delegates, representing 83 international and national unions, 25 state branches, 61 central bodies, 17 local trade and federal labor unions, including six fraternal delegates. Several long standing jurisdiction disputes were settled amicably and another new department launched, known as the Railway Department, composed of crafts employed by the various railways, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. The delegates were handsomely entertained by the Denver trade unionists and citizens generally, who left nothing undone to add to the comfort and pleasure of the delegates. Our delegates received appointments on the following committees:

J. H. Barry, on Committee on Building Trades. John T. Butler, on special commit

tee on Lincoln Centennial. F. M. Ryan, on special committee on Federation office building. The latter committee recommended that $80,000 be expended in purchasing a site and constructing a suitable office building as a permanent home for the American Federation and all its departments. The report of this committee was unanimously adopted.

Several cities sought the honor of entertaining the Federation's next convention. Toronto, Canada, secured the prize, and on November 21st the 28th annual convention adjourned sine die to meet in Toronto next year.

BUILDING TRADES DEPARTMENT.

The first annual convention of the Building Trades Department was called to order by Fourth Vice-President Max Morris, of the A. F. of L., in the assembly room of the Albany Hotel in the city of Denver at 10 a. m., November 23d, and adjourned sine die November 28th. All matters pertaining to the building trades that were being considered by the American Federation, together with all questions on same subject introduced at the last convention, were referred to the building trades department. Among the many questions so referred was our longpending jurisdiction dispute with the Lathers.

The Executive Council of the Federation reported the matter in this form:

Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers versus B. & S. I. W. The subject matter of resolution No. 110, which deals with the dispute between the above named organizations, having been considered by the Executive Council, it was decided that this matter be referred to the Building Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor for adjudication. The officers of both organizations were so notified. and Secretary-Treasurer Brandt of the International Union of Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers made the request, "That you set forth in full the action of your Executive Board on this question, which took place in March, 1907, and also set forth the action of the Norfolk convention on this question, by quoting the action of the building trades committee in this dispute, which can be done by quoting the report of that." In the event of the convention adopting the recommendation of the Executive Council, all the papers in this matter will be referred to the Building Trades Department, thus complying with the request of Secretary-Treasurer Brandt.

The following extract from the minutes of the Executive Council meeting March, 1907:

"On complaint of Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers' International Union against the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers International Association for infringing upon their jurisdiction, it was decided that the claims of the Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers be sustained and that, in communicating this decision to the officers of the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' International Association, their attention be called to the change made in their constitution by which they extend their jurisdiction over 'all wire work' without notice of their intention being lodged with the officers of the American Federation of Labor."

ers.

In this form it was referred to the Department Adjustment Committee, composed of Frank Duffy of the Carpenters, Chairman J. C. Bahlhorn of the Painters, James Duncan, Granite Cutters; Matt Comerford, Steam Engineers; Frank McNulty, Electrical WorkThe history of this controversy dates back many years, to the time when fireproof partitions and ceilings were first used. The lather, invading the field of the iron workers and attempting to install steel material to which lath was to be attached, thereby starting the conflict, which has been waged incessantly ever since. The controversy was first given official recognition by our Association through its chief officers, International President Frank Buchanan, and International Secretary-Treasurer J. W. Johnston who, in conjunction with J. E. Toole, International President of the Lathers, and John T. Taggart, also of the Lathers, sometime previous to our convention, which was held in Kansas City in September, 1903, entered into the following agreement:

"Articles of agreement entered into between the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers, parties of the first part, and the Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers' International Union, parties of the second part:

"Article 1, Section 1. Witnesseth, that the party of the first part recognizes the right of the party of the second part to erect and install all light iron furring, bracket work, clips, hangers and other appurtenances to metallic lathing and floor construction, appertaining to concrete work, and steel corner beads erected for the purpose of holding plaster, cement, concrete or plastic material.

"Sec. 2. Cards of party of the second part will be honored and recognized by the party of the first part in pursuance of all work as outlined by section 1 of article 1 of this agreement.

"Article 2, Section 1. Witnesseth, Party of the second part disclaims any right to install or erect any iron work other than that outlined in article 1, section 1, of this agreement.

"Sec. 2. Party of the second part agrees to