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WHILST the battle rages with advance and retreat, it would be premature

to work out detailed proposals for just settlement. There must be a truce to the fighting before we can get down to the precise policy that must govern the peace. But it is not a moment too soon to rid our minds of hate, self-righteousness, pharisaism, and the cant of jingoism, to look at the European tragedy with clear knowledge and understanding, and to piece together the points that might form a basis for discussion. Nor will this be accomplished by windy rhetoric. The more extreme and violent our demands on this side, the more we close the door on common sense and restraint, the more we countenance the crushing of Germany-if that were possible-and the destruction of her trade, the more we strengthen Prussian militarism, and play the game of the goosestepping, saber-rattling junkers.

There are many people in Germany opposed to the designs and aggressions of Prussian junkerdom, but there is nobody in Germany who would consent to the destruction of Germany and the ruin of her industry. All the wild words that appear in some of the newspapers of the Allied nations-words frequently insincere and meaningless and even written without serious intent-help to rally and consolidate the militarist forces in Germany, and to silence or drown the voices pleading bravely for sanity and moderation. As things are, the jingoes in the enemy countries bark and howl against each other, hurling threats and insults at each other across the frontiers.

Dignity in Soldiers' Hearts.

In the hearts of the soldiers is no such corrupting rage as possesses the souls of old men sitting in their clubs and editorial chairs. Among the soldiers there is discipline and dignity, but many newspapermen and politicians and publicists have no more dignity than dancing Dervishes. They mistake their funk for patriotism, their bluster for righteous wrath, and they imagine in some strange fashion that their noisy vulgarities contribute to the cause of their country. There would be light com

edy in the antics of these venerable fools were there not also deep tragedy.

Many of the old men who watch the young men going valiantly to death are themselves held by false ideals and aims. They do not know wherein lies the true greatness and glory of a country. They have filled their hearts with the dust and cinders of hate, and have persuaded themselves that by smashing another country they can advantage their own. In comparative safety they roar their defiance and close their minds against any consideration of a just and honorable peace, and talk boastfully of the day when the Allied troops will march down the Unter den Linden, and denounce as pro-German every idea that is beyond the range of their own crude brain.

And since the perfecting of the mechanism of war and the deadly raking fire of machine guns has made the defensive almost impregnably strong, and the aggressive costly beyond measure, the war, if these old men had their way, would never end, or would end when the young manhood of Europe had entirely perished, and Europe been bankrupt beyond recovery.

No Peace From Old Men.

Peace, a worthy, lasting peace, will never come back to blood-sodden Europe if we leave the matter to these inflamed minds. Kaisers, czars, emperors, diplomats, rulers, what have we to expect from them? Nothing but wretchedness and slaughter. It is not they who will teach us a better way to adjust the quarrels between nations. If we are to enjoy tthe blessings of a real peace, not a peace armed and costly, not a peace which is not more than a brief, uneasy pause in the roar of cannon, not a peace covering as with a garment much fraud and inequality and shame, but a peace shining and resplendent, a peace that carries the fighting spirit to the moral and intellectual plane, a peace that makes of the individual and national life no dull, stagnant thing, but a great, stirring adventure, peace that has its victories more renowned than war, if such a peace, the only peace that is worth while, is to come, it is the workers and none but they, who will usher it in.

Eight hour law.

Upon war being declared, some of the corporations seeking Government contracts urged the suspension of the eight hour law. Congress met this demand by adopting the following provision as a section of the Naval Appropriation Law:

"That in case of National emergency, the President is authorized to suspend the provision of law prohibiting more than eight hours labor in any one day of persons engaged upon work covered by contracts with the United States; provided, further, that the wages of persons employed upon such contracts shall be computed upon a basic day rate of eight hours work with overtime rates to be paid for at not less than time and one-half for all work in excess of eight hours."

Many private concerns doing Government work are reluctant to comply with this provision. To meet this situation the Council urged "that some general action be taken by administrative authority declaring for an eight-hour day in all commerce and industries as a war measure. Such an action would be the most effective fundamental provision that could be adopted to promote general interests and welfare. Such a policy adopted by the foremost Republic of the world, engaged in a titanic world conflict for universal freedom and democracy, would come with a tremendous inspiration that would stir the whole world to its depths."

American alliance for labor and democracy.

After an acrimonious debate, in which personalities were freely exchanged, the Convention endorsed "the patriotic work of the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy." The debate was tiresome, discouraging and undignified. It would have been better had the matter been kept off the floor of the Convention.

The radicals

among the delegates voted in favor of the resolution because they heartily approved the following declaration of principles and of the attitude of the Association toward the Russian people as therein set forth: "Revolutionary changes have been made changes which reveal the power and determination of a democratic people to control its own economic life for the com

mon good. We declare that peace shall not be another name for reaction, but that the gains thus far made for labor should be maintained in perpetuity.

"We declare that a condition which demands the conscription of men likewise demands the conscription of wealth, and that incomes, excess profits and land values should be taxed to the fullest needs of the government.

"We declare that industrial enterprises should be the servants and not the masters of the people; and that in cases where differences between owners and workers threaten a discontinuance of production necessary for the war, the government should assume complete control of such industries and operate them for the exclusive benefit of the people.

"We declare that the government should take prompt action with regard to the speculative interests which, especially during the war, have done so much to enhance prices of the necessaries of life. To increase the food supply and to lower prices, the government should commandeer all land necessary for public purposes and should tax idle land in private possession on its full rental value.

"We declare that the right of the wageearners to collective action is the fundamental condition which gives opportunity for economic freedom and makes possible the betterment of the workers' conditions. The recognition already given to this principle should be extended and made the basis of all relationships, direct or indirect, between the government and wage-earners engaged in activities connected with the

war.

"We declare that the wage-earners must have a voice in determining the conditions under which they are to give service, and that the voluntary institutions that have organized the industrial, commercial and transportation workers in time of peace shall be unhampered in the exercise of their recognized functions during the war; that labor shall be adequately represented in all the councils authorized to conduct the war and in the commission selected to negotiate terms of peace.

Declaration dealing with the Russian
situation.

"Sons of liberty in all lands are now watching with heavy hearts the desperate contest of their brothers in spirit and arms

"Assailed on all sides by a terrible and insidious foe, now spreading death and devastation in its ranks and now masquerading as a friend and penetrating, under the guise of a revolutionist into the very councils of the revolution, the Russian democracy is now passing through the most critical time in its struggle for existence.

"The American Alliance for Labor and Democracy sends greetings to the fighters for liberty in Russia as brothers in the same cause. The aims of the Russian democracy are our aims; its victory is our victory and its defeat is our defeat; and even the traitors that assail the Russian democracy likewise assail us. In the conflict for the liberty of Russia, the liberty of America is likewise at stake. Every Russian soldier who faces unflinchingly the enemy in the field is striking a blow for the liberty of America.

"The American Alliance for Labor and Democracy representing every loyal thought of American labor and American Socialism, pledges and dedicates the American working class to the support and service of the Russian democracy. It calls upon the working people and the socialists of America and also upon the government of the United States to strain every effort and resource in their command to the aid of the Russian democracy.

A resolution is now pending in Congress which, when adopted, will deprive the Federal courts of this power. The Council urged that every effort be made to secure the adoption of the resolution.

Recent legislation in labor's interest.

During the second session of the sixtyfourth Congress and the first session of the sixty-fifth Congress the following measures were enacted:

1. The Immigration law containing the literacy test, applicable to adult aliens over sixteen years of age. The test consists of the ability to read at least forty words in some language, dialect or tongue. An adult made able to pass the reading test may, however, bring with him his illiterate children under sixteen years of age, his wife, if unable to read, his father and mother or grandfather and grandmother, if unable to read, and otherwise admissible over the age of fifty-five.

2. New organic law for Porto Rico, granting citizenship rights to the people of that island. The act also contains many essential humanitarian features.

3. Federal Eight-hour law, applicable to contractors doing work for the United States Government, greatly strengthened, particularly in reference to the basic wage for an eight-hour standard day and minimum overtime rates for employes of such government contractors.

4. Incorporation of provisions in all of the appropriation bills, excepting that for the Postoffice Department, by which wages and salaries of Federal employes were increased; five per cent. to those receiving from $1,800 a year to $1,200 per year, and ten per cent. for those receiving less than $1,200 per year.

5. Proviso in the Sundry Civil Appropriation Act, known as the Hughes amendment, prohibiting the Department of Justice from using funds provided in the appropriation for prosecuting the members of labor and farmers' organizations in their efforts to increase wages, reduce hours or improve working conditions as violations of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. (Re-enacted). 6. Tavenner amendment forbidding officials to use the stop watch or other offensive time measuring devices in government arsenals, gun factories, navy yards, naval stations and other producing establishments of the government, wherein schemes for speeding up workers beyond human endurance are likely to be encouraged or devised by officers in charge. (Reenacted).

The payment of bonus or premium for excessive production is also prohibited.