of the association to be determined by each State committee. The discussion shall continue up to a date to be decided by the national committee, CPA.

3. For the period of the discussion, arrangements shall be made with the Daily Worker to publish a semiweekly discussion bulletin as a supplement to the paper. This bulletin shall be open to all members of the association. 4. State organizations may publish special discussion bulletins if they so desire.

5. During the entire period of the discussion, the policy and practical mass work of the association shall be governed by the resolution of the national board.

Mr. MORRIS. I might say that that exhibit is the fourth one we have introduced today.

Mr. BUDENZ. I am going by chronology rather than a rounded-out picture, but the picture will be given, Mr. Chairman.

The next one as far as I can see is dated June 26, 1945, page 9, headed, "One of Six Arrested Hits Clique in State Department." The CHAIRMAN. That is of the issue of the Daily Worker of what date?

Mr. BUDENZ. June 26, 1945, page 9.

The CHAIRMAN. All right.

Mr. BUDENZ. This refers to Andrew Roth, one of those arrested in the Amerasia case and the Daily Worker predicts:

Roth's forthcoming book, Dilemma in Japan, "dissects" the State Department's "past mistakes and current fallacies," in the author's words. It exposes Undersecretary of State Joseph Grew's predilection for Japanese Emperor Hirohito. Roth's arrest came after Little, Brown & Co. announced that the book would come out in September.

Mr. MORRIS. I would like to have that introduced into the record as the next consecutive exhibit.

The CHAIRMAN. That will be done and it will be received in the record.

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 165" and is as follows :)

EXHIBIT No. 165

[From the Daily Worker, New York, June 26, 1945, p. 9]

ONE OF SIX ARRESTED HITS CLIQUE IN STATE DEPARTMENT

Andrew Roth, on inactive status as senior lieutenant in the United States Naval Reserve since his arrest June 6, declared yesterday that charges against him "reflect the hopes of a powerful conservative clique in the State Department.” In a copyrighted article in the New York Post Roth warned that, should this clique have its way, "the end result will almost certainly be a China wracked by civil war, a Japan in which the roots of aggression have been left intact, and a sharp clash of American and Soviet interests in the Far East."

Roth expressed confidence that he would be cleared of the accusation against himself and five others, of having been party to a conspiracy to transmit confidential information to unauthorized persons.

Roth's forthcoming book, Dilemma in Japan, "dissects" the State Department's "past mistakes and current fallacies," in the author's words. It exposes Under Secretary of State Joseph Grew's predilection for Japanese Emperor Hirohito, Roth's arrest came after Little, Brown & Co. announced that the book would come out in September.

Mr. SOURWINE. To save time, could Mr. Mandel be asked whether these photostats which have been handed to the witness are all photostats of the Daily Worker, photostats prepared under his direction? Mr. MANDEL. Yes, sir.

Mr. BUDENZ. The next is an editorial in the Daily Worker of August 6, 1945, page 6, and reads:

It is for Under Secretary Grew to answer: Why are American guns being used to pursue civil war in China? What measures are being taken to halt such crimes and guarantee against their repetition?

This is an attack on Mr. Grew under the title, "Question to Mr. Grew."

Mr. MORRIS. I offer that into the record as the next consecutive exhibit.

The CHAIRMAN. It will be so received.

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 166" and is as follows:)

EXHIBIT No. 166

[From the Daily Worker, August 6, 1945, p. 6]

QUESTION TO MR. GREW

Far up in northern China, Chinese are fighting Chinese at this very momentyet how is it possible that hardly a mention of this gets to the American people? The Yenan radio has charged that American lend-lease guns are being used against the Chinese Communist guerillas by the armies of Gen. Hu Tsung-nan— yet the War Department and the State Department say nary a word.

We think this warfare in northern China is scandalous. And equally scandalous is the absence of any recognition by the State Department of American responsibility in this deadly serious affair.

For who gains when a Kuomintang soldier is ordered to attack a Chinese Communist guerilla? Only Japan, the common enemy.

And who profits by this silence from the United States? Only the Kuomintang dictatorship, which interprets silence as giving consent to its evil plans for the disunion of the Chinese nation.

The Yenan radio has twice appealed to Chiang Kai-shek, urging him to call off the attack of Kuomintang's Fifty-ninth Division. It is an appeal directed to Americans as well.

For the plain fact remains that American lives are being jeopardized if the Chungking regime is permitted to continue such policies.

And if such things can happen while the Kuomintang is supposedly liberalizing its dictatorship, while the Soong-Stalin discussions are about to be resumed— the American people can have no confidence whatsoever in the Chungking leaders and all their promises and plans.

It is for Undersecretary Grew to answer: Why are American guns being used to pursue civil war in China? What measures are being taken to halt such crimes and guarantee against their repetition?

Mr. BUDENZ. The next that I can find is the Daily Worker of August 13, 1945, page 5, headed "The Allied Reply and the Role of the Emperor," in which they state:

Our public knows, from a correct understanding of Japanese history, that the Emperor is the focus of the militarist-feudal-industrialist set-up in Japan responsible for the war and the oppression of Asia.

And they feel correctly that powerful capitalist forces, represented by such men as Under Secretary Joseph Grew and Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley, want to preserve this particular Emperor's powers and the royal institution as such. They want to preserve as much of Japanese fascism as they can.

That is an editorial.

Mr. MORRIS. Mr. Chairman, I would like to insert that as the next consecutive exhibit.

The CHAIRMAN. It will be inserted in the record.

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 167" and is as follows:)

EXHIBIT No. 167

[From the Daily Worker, New York, August 13, 1945, p. 5]

THE ALLIED REPLY AND THE ROLE OF THE EMPEROR-AN EDITORIAL

Reprinted from late edition of Sunday Worker

The four great powers have given their answer to Japan's acceptance of the Potsdam surrender declaration, in which the Japanese rulers asked for clarification on the Emperor's role. The world awaits the next developments while the war itself is being pressed forward on all fronts.

Faced with the overwhelming power of the United Nations, the vast American air and naval power, the atom bomb, the Soviet Union's rapid advances in Manchuria and Korea, the Japanese rulers were forced to accept the Potsdam terms. The great powers have elaborated these terms to the extent that the Emperor will have to subordinate himself entirely to the Allied Supreme Command. He will have to carry out the Supreme Command's orders in compelling the Japanese troops to lay down their arms. The institution of the monarchy itself will ultimately be decided by the Japanese people.

If we remember that the Potsdam declaration provided a good basis for eradicating Japanese fascism, eliminating the possibility of renewed aggression and opening the path for democratic development in Japan, it is clear that the United Nations stand on the eve of an immense victory. The tremendous fact is that fascism in Asia as well as in Europe has at last been forced to its knees. We do not know, and cannot know, all the factors which entered into the Big Four's reply. Certainly, one of them is the necessity of intimate unity among the great powers. For without such unity a common program for ending the war, occupying the strategic areas of eastern Asia, and beginning the destruction of fascist-militarism would be endangered.

This should be remembered, even though on the role of the Emperor himself the American people are understandably disappointed. He is continuing on the throne, even though he is a war criminal, and the people rightly want to treat him as such. Our public knows, from a correct understanding of Japanese history, that the Emperor is the focus of the militarist-feudal-industrialist set-up in Japan responsible for the war and the oppression of Asia.

And they feel correctly that powerful capitalist forces represented by such men as Under Secretary Joseph Grew and Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley, want to preserve this particular Emperor's powers and the royal institution as such. They want to preserve as much of Japanese fascism as they can. The Vandenbergs and the Tafts unquestionably will attempt to use the royal house for desperate efforts to sabotage the impending United Nations victory.

That is why the American people must continue their vigilance—even though the war will undoubtedly end before the Japanese people have decided the ultimate fate of the royal house.

A great victory of epic dimensions is unfolding before the democratic world. It is a victory well earned. It is a victory for which heavy sacrifices have been made. It is a victory which must lead to the complete eradication of fascism, and for this task-the precondition of a long and real peace the unity of the great powers is decisive.

The advance of democracy in China, the full independence of the colonial peoples is equally decisive. It is on all these issues that continued vigilance and struggle will be required.

Mr. BUDENZ. This is August 15, 1945, an editorial in the Daily Worker, page 2, which means it was given particular prominence. The CHAIRMAN. As regards this last one that you just identified, you said it was an editorial in the Daily Worker. Were you the editorial writer at that time?

Mr. BUDENZ. I was the managing editor of the Daily Worker. The writing of the editorials was assigned at each editorial board meeting to various editors on the board. This was very likely written by Joseph Starobin, although that wasn't always the case. It was written under the supervision of the editorial board.

This is entitled "Prevent Civil War in China," and at the conclusion states:

The State Department should be bombarded with messages demanding the recall of Ambassador Hurley and General Wedemeyer, and the immediate cleansing of the people in the Department responsible for this suicidal policy.

That is, the policy which they were condemning.

Mr. MORRIS. I would like to introduce that as the next consecutive exhibit in the record.

The CHAIRMAN. It will be given its proper number and will be received.

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 168" and is as follows:)

EXHIBIT No. 168

[From the Daily Worker, New York, August 15, 1945, p. 2]

PREVENT CIVIL WAR IN CHINA-AN EDITORIAL

With Japan's surrender just around the corner, the danger of civil war in China assumes immediate and alarming proportions. During the last few days Chiang Kai-shek has clearly revealed his intention of launching the civil war immediately, using Central Government troops which have been held ready for this moment, as well as puppet troops which collaborated with the Japanese. And especially disturbing to the American people, in the midst of their jubilation over the approaching end of the war, are the reports from Chungking that American airplanes, troops, and munitions may be placed at the disposal of the Fascist-feudal clique in Chungking.

The calamity of civil war in China must be prevented. For should it take place the peace for which we have fought a long and hard war would be seriously endangered. The American people, as well as our allies, must not be cheated of the fruits of the global victory. Much less can we permit the continuation of government policies which give aid to a reactionary, Fascist clique, a clique which has stood aloof from the war against Japan since 1938, which has connived with the collaborationist regime at Nanking against all the democratic forces of China and which now rushes to make open war against them.

CONFIRMATION IN UNITED STATES PRESS

The charges made by the Yenan radio against Chiang, accusing him of collusion with the puppet troops and of setting up a united front with the Nanking collaborationists for the immediate launching of the civil war, are fully confirmed by A. T. Steele's report to the New York Herald Tribune yesterday.

"It is no secret," writes Mr. Steele, "that many puppet officials and army officers are in league with Chungking and plan to declare allegiance to the Central Government when the time is ripe."

According to the same correspondent, Chiang "is counting on assistance from Chinese puppet troops in enemy-held areas." This was openly admitted by the Generalissimo when he forbade the Communist-led armies and guerrillas to disarm the enemy, and called upon the puppet armies to "maintain order."

In the tense and dangerous situation it is absolutely impermissible for Ambassador Hurley and General Wedemeyer to place American material and men at Chiang's disposal.

According to reports from Chungking, the two top American representatives have been conferring with Chiang for the purpose of planning the rapid occupation by Kuomintang troops of key ports and areas which have already been largely liberated by the Yenan armies. It is reported that American planes are ready to transport Chiang's troops into sectors already occupied or soon to be taken by the Communist-led and guerrilla forces.

WORLD PEACE ENDANGERED

For Chiang to attempt to possess these areas would mean to oust the liberation armies and declare war upon the people. We cannot be a party to such nefarious and dastardly plans. They would endanger the prospects of peace in the Pacific and in the world.

For Hurley and Wedemeyer to participate in this scheme is to place our Government policy entirely at the disposal of the most reactionary and imperialist forces in our country who want to prevent a united and democratic China, and will stop at nothing to achieve their end.

The American people, especially the labor movement, should intervene directly, and at this very moment when the end of the war is at hand.

We do not want the continuation of the war in another form, in the shape of a civil war in China.

We want peace in the Pacific and in the world, and that means a democratic and united China. It means that the Chinese collaborationists, the Nanking puppets, and their Kuomintang traitors should be held strictly to account and made to suffer for their treachery.

Not a single American gun, soldier, plane or other war equipment must be placed at the disposal of the Fascist clique in Chungking.

The Chinese liberation armies, including the eighth and fourth route armies which did the major land fighting against the enemy, should be fully represented in working out the allied occupation of Japan and liberated areas. As with the other main problems of the peace, American-Soviet cooperation must be maintained and extended in the process of preventing civil war in China. The State Department should be bombarded with messages demanding the recall of Ambassador Hurley and General Wedemeyer, and the immediate cleansing of the people in the Department responsible for this suicidal policy. We want a durable and democratic peace.

Mr. BUDENZ. Well, I have stepped out of the chronology, Mr. Chairman, unfortunately, but I will introduce this anyway.

The CHAIRMAN. Very well.

Mr. BUDENZ. This is the Daily Worker of July 24, 1945, an editorial, the chief editorial, "Mr. Grew Must Explain," in which they accuse the State Department under Mr. Grew's direction of playing up to the Japanese imperialists and appealing to them to surrender in time to save themselves.

Mr. MORRIS. I would like to introduce that for the record as the next consecutive exhibit.

The CHAIRMAN. It will be received and so designated.

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 169" and is as follows:)

EXHIBIT No. 169

[From the Daily Worker, July 24, 1945]

MR. GREW MUST EXPLAIN

There is something very strange, very rotten, and very alarming in the way American policy toward Japan is developing. It is time the entire Nation realized what is going on, and what is at stake.

Early last week, the Herald Tribune's Washington correspondent reported that plans were being made to modify the unconditional-surrender policy. Japan was going to be told that her Imperial Government might remain if only she would subordinate herself to the United States and submit to a peace which would not necessarily destroy her feudal-militarist structure. The Navy and State Department were reported favorable to such a plan. But it was all a matter for the future, to be decided by President Truman himself.

Now it is disclosed that a direct Navy Department representative, Capt. E. M. Zacharias, has been broadcasting to Japan for the OWI. On Friday night he openly appealed to the Japanese industrialists to surrender in time. He said that American patience was running short, that unless the Japanese leaders surrender now, the peace may be complicated by the pressure of China, Australia, and perhaps also by the Soviet Union. Japan, unlike Germany, would be well treated under the terms of the Atlantic Charter. In other words, an open appeal to negotiate a peace.

Under Secretary Joseph Grew last week did not deny the Herald Tribune reports; he merely said that no official peace offers had been received, which could be an invitation for them. And Elmer Davis now discloses that Captain