by "peace." They don't mean the same thing as we do. I am
quite sure of that.

I remember he also spoke about how he had greeted and had
embraced a Korean, one of the people of Korea-that would
be a Korean Communist-and how this Korean had no ill
feeling toward him because he, Wheaton, was one of the
American people. So the impression this would give-and it
gave to members in my cell, because they were told the con-
tents of this, and perhaps the Chinese version was brought
to them later-the impression that was given to them was
that the American people wanted peace and, of course, the
peace that the Chinese Communists are talking about, which
is not the same as we mean when we talk about peace, and that
the American people were striving to realize this peace and
were prevented from realizing it only by the oppressive meas-
ures of the imperialistic government of the Pentagon, or of
Washington, or of Wall Street, wherever you want to put it
(pp. 867, 868).

*

*

*

Mr. MORRIS. Now, what effect did the presence of Americans at the Asian and Pacific Peace Conference have on the morale of the Americans and the Europeans who were in the same prison?

Father RIGNEY. It had this effect, that it gave the impression that a large part, at least a large part, of the American people were in favor of peace as the Communists spoke about peace, and that they could not realize this because of the oppression of the Government of the American people, what they called the Wall Street government, the imperialistic Washington government.

And the second effect which it tended to have was that it tended to destroy the hope or minimize the hope in the hearts of many, many Chinese, the hope for liberation, the hope for freedom.

Even Saul Mills, who had been for many years executive secretary of the Greater New York Industrial Union until the CIO dissolved it for "slavish adherence to the line and dictates of the Communist Party," turned up in China.

In 1948, Mills obtained employment with an export-import firm. He visited in Shanghai, Tientsin, and Peking, he said, seeking information regarding such commodities as bristles, wool, and fur. He lived at Tientsin with George Zoobitsky, whom he identified as representative of the Seacoast Export Corp., and Henry Kabritz, who worked for another company.

Mills denied that the local Communist officials paid his bill at the Cathay Hotel in Shanghai; said he paid it himself. He had met in New York a delegation of trade union officials from Red China in 1945 but said the occasion was a reception by the mayor at City Hall and he couldn't recall appearing before the trade union commission of the Communist Party in connection with this visit.

On his return from China, Mills formed the American-Chinese Export Corp., with Frederick V. Field as the owner and president,

Charles Honig and David Drucker as vice presidents and Martin Popper possibly associated with the firm. He had known Field, casually, before the firm was formed. Field fired him after a disagreement over operation of the company, Mills said, and paid him $10,000 to settle a breach-of-contract suit.

Mills testified he was never a member of the Communist Party. In connection with the subject matter of this section of its report, the subcommittee makes the following conclusions and recommendations, which have resulted from its activities and deliberations in 1956.

CONCLUSIONS

American citizens have helped to communize and sovietize the Chinese people.

American citizens have engaged, during the cold war, in acts which, if a state of declared war existed, would have been treasonable.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The Congress should by law make it an act of self-expatriation for a United States citizen to assist in the communization of any for eign nation or its subdivision, or the people thereof, or to accept office or employment in or under the government of any Communist country.

The Congress should enact necessary legislation to provide for proper punishment of acts performed during a time of "cold war" which, if a state of declared war existed, would be treasonable.

85270

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS

TO THE

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

UNITED STATES SENATE

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

FOR THE YEAR 1956

SECTION XI

DECEMBER 31, 1956

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary

UNITED STATES

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON: 1957

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTErnal SecurITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman

ROBERT MORRIS, Chief Counsel

J. G. SOURWINE, Associate Counsel
WILLIAM A. RUSHER, Associate Counsel
BENJAMIN MANDEL, Director of Research

1

SECTION XI

POLICY PERVERSION

WHO ARE THE MAKERS OF AMERICAN POLICY?

In the course of the various phases of the inquiries conducted by the subcommittee during the past year, the subcommittee encountered impressive evidence of persons now working in the Government and persons who have worked in the Government undermining the declared policies of the United States.

The passages quoted below are taken from the testimony of Angus Ward and Congressman Walter Judd. They are obviously of great importance at this moment in history, when American foreign policy is being tested anew.

Mr. MORRIS. Were you able to observe at that time the thinking of any officials of the State Department? In asking you about officials, I ask you about people who were division heads or heads of desks, or anything like that with respect to our China policy at that time.

Mr. WARD. Yes. In fact, I had one of the shocks of my life at that time. I was in the State Department, discussing basically Chinese affairs, and we got off onto general Soviet-American affairs inasmuch as I had just come out of the Soviet Union, and I was asked what "in my mind" were the Soviet war aims.

Mr. MORRIS. Now, this time is now the end of '44, possibly early '45?

Mr. WARD. More likely January of '45.

And at that time, of course, like everybody else, I had my ideas. My opinion of that at that time, from indications within the Soviet Union and from the tendency of Moscow to follow expansionist ideals that went back long before the revolution, was that the Soviet Union in Europe would not be content with anything short of a line approximately running from the Baltic to the Adriatic.

Mr. MORRIS. Now, what did he say to you upon your expressing that view?

Mr. WARD. Well, he expressed his amazement, in fact he said he was astounded that I could so speak of one of our allies and that in so speaking I was a disloyal American.

Mr. MORRIS. What did you do when he made that statement?

Mr. WARD. I picked up my hat and left his room.

Mr. JUDD. Let me say this. I, myself, think in our country there has been a little too much emphasis on the cloak and