late war something like 20 per cent., including their widows and relatives, have been or now are in the receipt of pensions.

The American people, with a patriotic and grateful regard for our ex-soldiers-too broad and too sacred to be monopolized by any special advocates-are not only willing but anxious that equal and exact justice should be done to all honest claimants for pensions. In their sight the friendless and destitute soldier, dependent on public charity, if otherwise entitled, has precisely the same right to share in the provision made for those who fought their country's battles as those better able, through friends and influence, to push their claims. Every pension that is granted under our present plan upon any other grounds than actual service and injury or disease incurred in such service, and every instance of the many in which pensions are increased on other grounds than the merits of the claim, work an injustice to the brave and crippled, but poor and friendless soldier, who is entirely neglected, or who must be content with the smallest sum allowed under general laws.

There are far too many neighborhoods in which are found glaring cases of inequality of treatment in the matter of pensions; and they are largely due to a yielding in the Pension Bureau to importunity on the part of those, other than the pensioner, who are especially interested, or they arise from special acts passed for the benefit of individuals.

The men who fought side by side should stand side by side when they participate in a grateful nation's kind remembrance.

Every consideration of fairness and justice to our ex-soldiers and the protection of the patriotic instinct of our citizens from perversion and violation, point to the adoption of a pension system broad and comprehensive enough to cover every contingency, and which shall make unnecessary an objectionable volume of special legislation.

As long as we adhere to the principle of granting pensions for service, and disability as the result of the service, the allowance of pensions should be restricted to cases presenting these features.

Every patriotic heart responds to a tender consideration for those who, having served their country long and well, are reduced to destitution and dependence, not as an incident of their service, but with advancing age or through sickness or misfortune. We are all tempted by the contemplation of such a condition to supply relief, and are often impatient of the limitations of public duty. Yielding to no one in the desire to indulge this feeling of consideration, I can not rid myself of the conviction that if these ex-soldiers are to be relieved, they and their cause are entitled to the benefit of an enactment under which relief may be claimed as a right, and that such relief should be granted under the sanction of law, not in evasion of it; nor should such worthy objects of care, all equally entitled, be remitted to the unequal operation of sympathy, or the tender mercies of social and political influence with their unjust discriminations.

The discharged soldiers and sailors of the country are our fellow-citizens, and interested with us in the passage and faithful execution of wholesome laws. They can not be swerved from their duty of citizenship by artful appeals to their spirit of brotherhood born of common peril and suffering, nor will they exact as a test of devotion to their welfare a willingness to neglect public duty in their behalf.

On the 4th of March, 1885, the current business of the Patent-Office was, on an average, five and a half months in arrears, and, in several divisions more than twelve months behind. At the close of the last fiscal year such current work was but three months in arrears, and it is asserted and believed that in the next few months the delay in obtaining an examination of an application for a patent will be but nominal.

The number of applications for patents during the last fiscal year, including reissues, designs, trademarks, and labels, equals 40,678, which is considera

bly in excess of the number received during any preceding year.

The receipts of the Patent-Office during the year aggregate $1,205,167.80, enabling the office to turn into the Treasury a surplus revenue, over and above all expenditures, of about $163,710.30.

The number of patents granted during the last fiscal year, including reissues, trade-marks, designs, and labels, was 25,619-a number also quite largely in excess of that of any preceding year.

The report of the Commissioners shows the office to be in a prosperous condition, and constantly increasing in its business. No increase of force is asked for. The amount estimated for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886, was $890,760. The amount estimated for the year ending June 30, 1887, was $853,960. The amount estimated for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1888, is $778,770.

The Secretary of the Interior suggests a change in the plan for the payment of the indebtedness of the Pacífic subsidized roads to the Government. His suggestion has the unanimous indorsement of the persons selected by the Government to act as directors of these roads and protect the interests of the United States in the board of direction. In considering the plan proposed, the sole matters which should be taken into account, in my opinion, are the situation of the Government as a creditor, and the surest way to secure the payment of the principal and interest of its debt.

By a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States it has been adjudged that the laws of the several States are inoperative to regulate rates of transportation upon railroads, if such regulation interferes with the rate of carriage from one State into another. This important field of control and regulation having been thus left entirely unoccupied, the expediency of Federal action upon the subject is worthy of consideration.

The relations of labor to capital and of laboring men to their employers are of the utmost concern to every patriotic citizen. When these are strained and distorted, unjustifiable claims are apt to be insisted upon by both interests, and in the controversy which results, the welfare of all and the prosperity of the country are jeopardized. Any intervention of the General Government, within the limits of its constitutional authority, to avert such a condition, should be willingly accorded.

In a special message transmitted to the Congress at its last session I suggested the enlargement of our present Labor Bureau and adding to its present functions the power of arbitration in cases where differences arise between employer and employed. When these differences reach such a stage as to result in the interruption of commerce between the States, the application of this remedy by the General Government might be regarded as entirely within its constitutional powers. And I think we might reasonably hope that such arbitrators, if carefully selected and if entitled to the confidence of the parties to be affected, would be voluntarily called to the settlement of controversies of less extent and not necessarily within the domain of Federal regulation.

I am of the opinion that this suggestion is worthy the attention of the Congress.

But after all has been done by the passage of laws either Federal or State to relieve a situation full of solicitude, much more remains to be accomplished by the reinstatement and cultivation of a true American sentiment which recognizes the equality of American citizenship. This, in the light of our traditions and in loyalty to the spirit of our institutions, would teach that a hearty co-operation on the part of all interests is the surest path to national greatness and the happiness of all our people, that capital should, in recognition of the brotherhood of our citizenship and in a spirit of American fairness, generously accord to labor its just compensation and consideration, and that contented labor is capital's best protection and faithful ally. It would teach, too, that the diverse situations

of our people are inseparable from our civilization, that every citizen should, in his sphere, be a contributor to the general good, that capital does not necessarily tend to the oppression of labor, and that violent disturbances and disorders alienate from their promoters true American sympathy and kindly feeling.

The Department of Agriculture, representing the oldest and largest of our national industries, is subserving well the purposes of its organization. By the introduction of new subjects of farming enterprise, and by opening new sources of agricultural wealth and the dissemination of early information concerning production and prices, it has contributed largely to the country's prosperity. Through this agency, advanced thought and investigation touching the subjects it has in charge should, among other things, be practically applied to the home production at a low cost of artícles of food which are now imported from abroad. Such an innovation will necessarily, of course, in the beginning, be within the domain of intelligent experiment; and the subject in every stage should receive all possible encouragement from the Government.

The interests of millions of our citizens engaged in agriculture are involved in an enlargement and improvement of the results of their labor; and a zealous regard for their welfare should be willing tribute to those whose productive returns are a main source of our progress and power.

The existence of pleuro-pneumonia among the cattle of various States has led to burdensome and in some cases disastrous restrictions in an important branch of our commerce, threatening to affect the quantity and quality of our food-supply. This is a matter of such importance and of such far-reaching consequence, that I hope it will engage the serious attention of the Congress, to the end that such a remedy may be applied as the limits of a constitutional delegation of power to the General Government will permit.

I commend to the consideration of the Congress the report of the Commissioner, and his suggestions concerning the interest intrusted to his care.

The continued operation of the law relating to our Civil Service has added the most convincing proofs of its necessity and usefulness. It is a fact worthy of note that every public officer who has a just idea of his duty to the people, testifies to the value of this reform. Its stanchest friends are found among those who understand it best, and its warmest supporters are those who are restrained and protected by its requirements.

The meaning of such restraint and protection is not appreciated by those who want places under the Government, regardless of merit and efficiency, nor by those who insist that the selection for such places should rest upon a proper credential showing active partisan work. They mean to public officers, if not their lives, the only opportunity afforded them to attend to public business, and they mean to the good people of the country the better performance of the work of their Government.

It is exceedingly strange that the scope and nature of this reform are so little understood, and that so many things not included within its plan are called by its name. When cavil yields more fully to examination the system will have large additions to the number of its friends.

Our Civil-Service reform may be imperfect in some of its details; it may be misunderstood and opposed; it may not always be faithfully applied; its designs may sometimes iniscarry through mistake or willful intent; it may sometimes tremble under the assaults of its enemies or languish under the misguided zeal of impracticable friends; but if the people of this country ever submit to the banishment of its underlying principle from the operation of their Government, they will abandon the surest guarantee of the safety and success of American institutions.

I invoke for this reform the cheerful and ungrudging support of the Congress. I renew my recommendation made last year that the salaries of the Commissioners

be made equal to other officers of the Government having like duties and responsibilities, and I hope that such reasonable appropriations may be made as will enable them to increase the usefulness of the cause they have in charge.

I desire to call the attention of the Congress to a plain duty which the Government owes to the depositors in the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company. This company was chartered by the Congress for the benefit of the most illiterate and humble of our people, and with the intention of encouraging in them industry and thrift. Most of its branches were presided over by officers holding the commissions and clothed in the uniform of the United States. These and other circumstances reasonably, I think, led these simple people to suppose that the invitation to deposit their hard-earned savings in this institution implied an undertaking on the part of their Government that their money should be safely kept for them. When this company failed it was liable in the sum of $2,939,925.22 to 61,131 depositors. Dividends amounting in the aggregate to 62 per cent. have been declared, and the sum called for and paid of such dividends seems to be $1,648,181.72. This sum deducted from the entire amount of deposits leaves $1,291,744.50 still unpaid. Past experience has shown that quite a large part of this sum will not be called for. There are assets still on hand amounting to the estimated sum of $16,000.

I think the remaining 38 per cent. of such of these deposits as have claimants should be paid by the Government, upon principles of equity and fairness.

The report of the Commissioner, soon to be laid before Congress, will give more satisfactory details on this subject.

The control of the affairs of the District of Columbia having been placed in the hands of purely executive officers, while the Congress still retains all legislative authority relating to its government, it becomes my duty to make known the most pressing needs of the District and recommend their cousideration.

The laws of the District appear to be in an uncertain and unsatisfactory condition, and their codification or revision is much needed.

During the past year one of the bridges leading from the District to the State of Virginia became unfit for use, and travel upon it was forbidden. This leads me to suggest that the improvement of all the bridges crossing the Potomac and its branches, from the city of Washington, is worthy of the attention of Congress.

The Commissioners of the District represent that the laws regulating the sale of liquor and granting licenses therefor should be at once amended, and that legislation is needed to consolidate, define, and enlarge the scope and powers of charitable and penal institutions within the District.

I suggest that the Commissioners be clothed with the power to make, within fixed limitations, police regulations. I believe this power, granted and carefully guarded, would tend to subserve the good order of the municipality.

It seems that trouble still exists growing out of the occupation of the streets and avenues by certain railroads having their termini in the city. It is very important that such laws should be enacted upon this subject as will secure to the railroads all the facilities they require for the transaction of their business, and at the same time protect citizens from injury to their persons or property.

The Commissioners again complain that the accommodations afforded them for the necessary offices for District business, and for the safe keeping of valuable books and papers, are entirely insufficient. I recommend that this condition of affairs be remedied by the Congress, and that suitable quarters be furnished for the needs of the District government.

In conclusion, I earnestly invoke such wise action on the part of the people's legislators, as will subserve the public good and demonstrate during the remain

ing days of the Congress as at present organized, its ability and inclination to so meet the people's needs that it shall be gratefully remembered by an expectant constituency. GROVER CLEVELAND.

WASHINGTON, December 6, 1886.

Counting the Electoral Votes.-March 17, 1886, a bill to fix the day for the meeting of the electors of President and Vice-President, and to provide for and regulate the counting of the votes for President and Vice-President, and the decision of questions arising thereon, passed the Senate. December 7, the measure was reported with certain amendments to the House from a select committee to consider the subject. The following is the bill as reported, with the passages stricken out inclosed in brackets and those inserted printed in italics:

Be it enacted, etc., That the electors of each State shall meet and give their votes on the second Monday in January next following their appointment, at such place in each State as the Legislature of such State shall direct.

SEC. 2. That if any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determination of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or procedures, and such determination shall have been made at least six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pursuant to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prior to the said time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitution, and as hereinafter regufated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by such State is concerned.

SEC. 3. That it shall be the duty of the Executive of each State, as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment of electors in such State, by the final ascertainment under and in pursuance of the laws of such State providing for such ascertainment, to communicate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of the United States, a certificate of such ascertainment of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and the canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such State of the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment any and all votes have been given or cast; and it shall also thereupon be the duty of the Executive of each State to deliver to the electors of such State, on or before the day on which they are required by the preceding section to meet, the same certificate, in triplicate, under the seal of the State; and such certificate shall be inclosed and transmitted by the electors at the same time and in the same manner as is provided by law for transmitting by such electors to the seat of Government the lists of all persons voted for as President and of all persons voted for as Vice-President; and section 136 of the Revised Statutes is hereby repealed; and if there shall have been any final determination in a State of a controversy or contest as provided for in section 2 of this act, it shall be the duty of the Executive of such State, as soon as practicable after such determination, to communicate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of the United States, a certificate of such determination, in form and manner as the same shall have been made; and the Secretary of State of the United States, as soon as practicable after the receipt at the State Department of each of the certificates herein before directed to be transmitted to the Secretary of State, shall publish, in such public newspaper as he shall designate, such certificates in full; and at the first meeting of Congress thereafter he shall transmit to the two Houses of Congress copies in full

of each and every such certificate so received theretofore at the State Department.

SEC. 4. That Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February succeeding every meeting of the electors. The Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall of the House of Representatives at the hour of one o'clock in the afternoon on that day, and the President of the Senate shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the Senate and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by the President of the Senate, all the certificates and papers purporting to be certificates of the electoral votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, presented, and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning with the letter A and said tellers, having then read the same in the presence and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall appear from the said certificates; and the votes having been ascertained and counted in the manner and according to the rules in this act provided, the result of the same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote, and the names of the persons, if any, elected, which announcement shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons," if any, elected President and Vice-President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the journals of the two Houses. Upon such reading of any such certificate or paper, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and concisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one Senator and one member of the House of Representatives before the same shall be received. When all objections so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been received and read, the Senate shall thereupon withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision; and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, in like manner, submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its decision; and no electoral vote or votes from any State from which but one lawful return has been received shall be rejected [except by the affirmative vote of both Houses]. If more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been received by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who are shown by the determination mentioned in section 2 of this act to have been appointed, if the determination in said section provided for shall have been made, or by such successors or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the board of electors so ascertained, as have been adpointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws of the State; but in case there shall arise the question which of two or more of such State authorities determining what electors have been appointed, as mentioned in section 2 of this act, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those electors, and those only, of such State shall be counted whose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so authorized by its laws; and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which [the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State] were cast by electors whose appointment shall have been duly certified under the seal of the State by the Executive thereof, in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concur rently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. When

the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the question submitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until the objections previously made to the votes or papers from any State shall have been finally disposed of.

SEC. 5. That while the two Houses shall be in meeting as provided in this act the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve order; and no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by the presiding officer except to either House on a motion to withdraw.

SEC. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide upon an objection that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or votes from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objection or question five minutes, and not more than once; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours it

shall be the duty of the presiding officer of each House to put the main question without further debate.

SEC. 7. That at such joint meeting of the two Houses, seats shall be provided as follows: For the President of the Senate, the Speaker's chair; for the Speaker, immediately upon his left; the Senators, in the body of the hall upon the right of the presiding officer; for the Representatives, in the body of the hall not provided for the Senators; for the tellers, Secretary of the Senate, and Clerk of the House of Representatives, at the Clerk's desk; for the other officers of the two Houses, in front of the Clerk's desk and upon each side of the Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately, in the manner herein before provided, to direct a recess of such House not beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the declaration of the result shall not have been completed before the fifth calendar day next after such first meeting of the two Houses, no further or other recess shall be taken by either House.

In explanation of the measure, Mr. Eden, of Illinois, said:

"The object of the bill of the Senate is to fix certain rules by which the two Houses shall be governed in counting the electoral vote.

"In case of but one return from a State, the Senate bill allows the vote to be rejected by the affirmative vote of both Houses.

"When there is more than one return from a State, and a tribunal of the State, according to section 2 of the bill, has determined who are the lawfully appointed electors of the State, the votes of such electors are to be counted without question.

"If a question arises as to which of two or more of such State authorities, acting under section 2 of the bill, is the lawful tribunal of the State, then the vote of such electors only shall be counted as the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so acting under its laws.

"In case of more than one return from a State, if no determination has been made by a tribunal thereof as to which is the lawful return, then those votes only shall be counted

which the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of the State.

"It will thus be seen that under the Senate bill there are three contingencies in which the two Houses in counting the electoral vote may refuse to count the vote of the State.

"The House committee has undertaken to remedy this defect by a limitation of the power of the two Houses to reject the vote of a State. there is but one return, or paper purporting to We propose to amend the bill so that where be a return, from a State, and the vote was regularly given, and the credentials of the electors are in due form and in accordance with the laws of the State, and properly certified by the executive authority thereof, the vote shall be counted.

"We propose a further amendment, that where there are two or more returns from a State, and no tribunal thereof has determined who are the legally appointed electors from the State, the votes regularly given by electors, whose appointment shall have been duly certified under the seal of the State by the Executive thereof, in accordance with the laws of the State, shall be counted, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. If the amendments proposed by the House committee be agreed to, there will be but one contingency in which the vote of a State may be rejected. That contingency is the presentation of double returns from a State by opposing State authorities, disagreeing in the determination as to which set of electors are the legally appointed electors of the State. In that case no electoral vote of the State will be counted unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide that one of the opposing sets of electors are the duly appointed electors of the State.

"In case of more than one return from a State, where no State tribunal has determined the question as to which is the true and lawful return, the vote of those electors regularly given who bear the official certificate of the Governor under the seal of the State, showing that they were duly appointed in pursuance of the laws of the State, under our amendment are to be counted unless rejected by the concurrent vote of both Houses, acting separately. I am of opinion that with the adoption of the proposed amendments the Senate bill may be safely passed, and that no question will remain to be determined relative to the count of the electoral vote, when the two Houses meet for that purpose, that can not be rightfully determined in accordance with the terms of this bill. Under the bill as thus amended the States are left not only to appoint the electors, but to determine all disputes relative to their appoint

ment.

"If no dispute arises relative to the appointment, and no contesting electors appear to de

mand a hearing, the bill as amended, should it become a law, absolutely requires the electoral vote of the State to be counted. If a dispute or contest has arisen relative to the appointment of electors, and the proper State authorities have determined who are the lawfully appointed electors, the bill as amended says the vote shall be courted. If more than one return of electoral votes is made from a State, and no determination has been made under its laws who, of the opposing forces, were lawfully appointed electors of the State, the bill as amended requires that the vote of those electors regularly given, who hold the certificate of the Governor under the seal of the State, showing that they were appointed according to the laws of the State, shall be counted, unless rejected by the concurrent vote of the two Houses, acting separately.

"In the one instance only, where a question arises as to which of two or more State authorities, acting under the second section of the bill, and having made conflicting decisions as to lawfully appointed electors from the State, is the concurrent action of both Houses required to decide as to the legally appointed electors from a State. In case no decision can be reached, of course the vote of the State will be lost; but that is an extreme case, and one not likely to arise except in revolutionary times."

Mr. Adams, of Illinois, in criticism of the measure, said:

"Whenever the two Houses of Congress agree that a certain alleged return is the legal vote of a State, their determination that that alleged return is the legal return is the counting of the vote of that State within the meaning of the Constitution; and whenever the two Houses of Congress agree that a certain alleged return does not represent the legal vote of the State, their concurrent determination that that alleged return is not the legal vote of the State is equivalent to a refusal to count the vote of that State within the meaning of the Constitution; hence, my judgment is that the entire scope of our power to legislate on this matter must be confined to the third contingency, namely, the case in which the two Houses of Congress neither concurrently vote 'yea' upon the proposition nor concurrently vote 'nay upon it, but differ in opinion, and one decides one way and the other the other. The power of Congress to intervene in such a case arises, in my judgment, out of the necessity of the case, and the exercise of our legislative power to meet the contingency must be considered now to be in accordance with the meaning of the Constitution.

"There are several causes, Mr. Speaker, why it may be determined that an alleged vote of a State is not the real vote of the State.

"In the first place the persons claiming to be electors may not have been voted for by the people of their State according to the provisions of the Constitution and the laws enacted by the State.

"In the second place the persons assuming to have been elected as electors may have been ineligible to that office.

"In the third place, admitting that they were eligible and were duly elected, yet when they met to cast the electoral votes it may be that they did not cast them in accordance with the Constitution and the laws; and, fourthly, if in all their acts they complied with the Constitution and the law, and they are eligible to act as electors, and have been duly voted for as such, at the polls, yet the persons for whom they vote may not have been eligible to the office to which they assumed to elect them; and, in my judgment, notwithstanding the changes that have come over the character of Presidential elections in this country, these objections to the validity of an alleged electoral vote stand in full force to-day, and will so stand until the Constitution has been ainended. "I am aware that some of these cases of invalidity are not so important in our minds as they were in the minds of the framers of the Constitution. To us it may make little difference whether a person chosen as an elector is a Senator or Representative or person holding an office of profit and trust under the Government. To us it may appear to make little difence whether the electors vote by ballot as the law requires or not; or whether they cast their votes upon the day appointed by law or not.

"To us accustomed to the choice of a Presidential candidate by the convention of a political party, it may appear of less importance than it appeared to our fathers that the President elected should be a native-born citizen, or over thirty-five years of age. Yet all these provisions are still the provisions of the Constitution, and in my judgment it is not our duty to disregard them; it is our daty to observe them until in the wisdom of Congress and of the people it shall have been determined that the Constitution shall be changed.

"The reason why I refer to these different causes of invalidity is that, if the amendment proposed by the House committee is adopted, the only means which we have or can have for enforcing these provisions of the Constitution will have been done away forever. I know that when the two Houses of Congress meet here to count the electoral vote, the main question present to their minds and present to the minds of the people is the question which Presidential candidate the people appear to have preferred. And yet, so long as these provisions regarding the eligibility of electors, regarding the eligibility of a Presidential candidate, regarding the form and manner in which the electoral vote shall be cast, remain as portions of the Constitution, it is not only our bounden duty to observe and abide by them, but it is also the bounden duty of those two Houses of Congress, who have a duty imposed on them which is not imposed on us in passing upon this bill, the duty, namely, of sitting here in joint convention and deciding upon the elect