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whole affair away, as a desirable consumm tion."

While education has solved the question of producing wealth, it has not enabled men to get and use the wealth when it has been produced. Thomas Carlyle says of this incongruous absurdity:

"In the midst of plethoric plenty, the people perish; with gold walls and full barns no man feels himself safe or satisfied. Have we actually got enchanted then; accursed by some god?"

But Carlyle was unable to show the world how to break the enchantment. Paley, contemplating the same economic monstrosity, makes this comparison:

"If you should see a flock of pigeons in a field of corn, and if, instead of each picking where and what it liked, taking just as much as it wanted and no more, you should see 99 of them gathering all they got into a heap, reserving nothing for themselves but the chaff and refuse, keeping this heap for one, and that the weakest, perhaps the worst pigeon of the flock; sitting around and looking on all the winter, while this one was devouring, throwing about and wasting it; and if a pigeon more hardy or hungry than the rest, touched a grain of the hoard, all the others instantly flying upon it and tearing it to pieces; if you should see this, you would see nothing more than what is every day practiced and established among men."

The analogy is not quite complete, however, unless some of the piegons are standing starving and begging permission to gather corn and eat husks. But birds are not stupid enough to do that. Man is the only creature that is.

Some believe that a more rigorous teaching of religion; and others, that the inculcating of morality and respect for authority, is what is needed. It is easy to say that the lack of morality and religion accounts for misery and crime, but then what accounts for lack of morality and religion? It is not respect for authority that is lacking, but respect for the rights of man.

All errors in conduct involve inconsistency. No sane man can be consistently wrong in a moral sense. If error were consistent, it could never be discovered. The syllogism is merely a test for consistency. Crime results from inharmony in man. Opposing theories meet in the same brain. and man loses his moral equipoise. The striking miner, for instance, feels that man (himself) has a right to dig; that man (the other man who would take his job) has no right to dig, and that man (both himself and the other man) has

no right to dig, except as directed by the owner of the mine. He feels, too, that he ought to obey the law, but at the same time feeling the pangs of hunger, he affirms his right to violate the law by killing the man who took his job. Thus arise violence and murder. The inconsistencies of the individual, that is, the unit-man, are multiplied in the mass-man. From the amount of poverty and hunger in the world, it is apparent that there are many more mouths than human power can fill. At the same time, from the overcrowded condition of every vocation and the is overproduction of every commodity, it equally apparent that there are so many hands that humanity can not possibly furnish enough mouths to keep them busy. This is another form of the fatal paradox previously pointed out-two conflicting conceptions in the mass-man that must eventually destroy each other.

power

Desire without gratification or that performs no function, constitutes an inconsistency in the eternal scheme of things, from which springs multiform misery and deep degradation.

Education, then, before it can enable man to "live completely," must not only develop his powers and refine his tastes; not only intensify his desires and increase his knowledge; but it must give him liberty and opportunity to indulge his taste, gratify his desires, use his knowledge and apply his developed powers. Harmony must be established between the mass-man and the unit-man. Society cannot deny its members air to breathe or deprive them of water to drink or land to stand upon, and at the same time make of them good citizens. One cannot "live completely" without the means whereby to live. Think of the consistency of teaching man to mine, to farm, to build-in short, to use the earth, and then fencing against him the coal fields, the ore beds the soil and the forests with paper titles founded in force and fraud and handed down from dead ancestors! If society could do this universally, as has been done partly, man's intensified desires would rebel and demand gratification, and his augmented but suppressed powers would find employment in destruction when denied employement in production.

In spite of compulsory laws, however, the universal education of man and the universal denial of opportunity cannot exist at the same time. The children of the masses, instead of being educated, must toil to help the father make a living. Even the girls, the future mothers of citizens-but every one knows the stories and history of the factories. No further progress is possible until poverty is

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eliminated-until man is free to employ his powers and enjoy the product.

Education, as if to give man ease and comfort, banished from his mind the fearful phantoms born of ancient superstition, but he is yet shadowed by the specter of want, gaunt and gruesome as in times prehistoric.

To paraphrase another, education, as if to widen man's intellectual horizon, from a handful of sand constructed the telescope with which to explore the starry depths of heaven, but thereby the burden of the masses neither lifted nor lightened.

was

Education, as if to unify all nations under the sun, wrested from the fabled gods their thunderbolts, and now the electric spark, freighted with human thought, flashes on highways of wire over continents and underneath the seas; but thereby the burden of the masses is neither lifted nor lightened.

Education, as if to soften the hard lot of mortals, took from the cheek of unpaid labor a tear, converted it into steam and erected the mighty giants that turn with tireless arm the countless wheels of toil; but thereby the burden of the masses is neither lifted nor lightened.

Education, as if to supply the multitudinous wants of man, touched with the wand of science the storehouse of nature, and wealth came forth in such exhaustless abundance that man is utterly bewildered; but the most stupendous, incomprehensible miracle is that the wealth is enchanted so that only a few dare touch it! May education yet break the spell of enchantment and usher in the reign of liberty for the living, where the demon of ignorance has reared the dynasty of the dollar and established the despotism of the dead!-William Scott, in The Public.

MR. DOOLEY TELLS OF THE JOKE ON

POLICY HOLDERS.

Misther Hughes-Misther McCoordy, in lookin' over ye'er books I find that most iv th' business iv ye'er comp'ny was bribin' legislachures. Will ye have th' goodness an' hardihood to explain?

Misther McCoordy-I'm glad to. Gintlemen, what ye so properly but coorsely call

147 Wooster Street, NEW YORK.

bribes was reely a fund f'r th' difinse iv our Ye counthry against its thraitrous inimies. think I arne wan hundherd thousand a year invistin' th' money iv th' poor. Ye wrong

me.

an'

an

That is a job thousands iv men wud pay f'r th' priv'lege iv doin'. Th' rake-off-but I digress. No, gintlemen, I dhraw me small but sufficient sti-pend as a pathrite. I am expeerynced, up-to-date, skilled pathrite. I larned th' thrade as a boy. I love th' flag. I wud die f'r it almost. Rather thin see it dishonored, I wud sacrifice ivry dollar in our threeasury over an' above salaries. rint, fixed charges, commissions, in threst, cigar money. But I am no dhreamer. I am a practical pathrite. I am no Caseybianca. I'm more like Washin'ton, Lincoln, an'-let us sayAddicks. Does a vicious ligislachure seek to desthroy th' boolwarks iv our liberty, which is life insurance. We sind them a bunch iv th' pathriotic leaflets issued be th' threasury department, an' they desist ontil their hotel bills comes due again. At Albany, at Harrisburg, at Springfield, at ivery cinter iv sedition I have a gallant little Spartan band stampin' out th' vipers. Th' comp'ny supplies th' stamps. Whin th' Bryan craze ar-rose an' threatened th' very heart iv our raypublicth' dollar-who shtud between fair Columbya an' thim that wud despoil her? On'y me. Onaided an' alone, without askin' a cint fr'm anny man, I wint at wanst to th' treasurer iv th' comp'ny. "Bill." says I, "have ye much money in th' dhrawer?" "A good deal," says he. "Does anny iv it belong to ye or me?" says I. "About five dollars," says he. "Thin," says I, "sind th' r-rest over to th' raypublican campaign comity," I says. "Th' nation's honor must an' shall be presarved," says L An' gintlemen, th' joke iv it was that half th' money belonged to dimmycrats.. Wasn't that a good wan, though? Haw, haw! There they were out west losin' their jobs an' havin' their morgedges foreclosed, all f'r love iv Bryan, an' here was their money down east fightin' again thim. They beat thimsilves. An' they didn't know it.' 'Twas a noble joke. I can hardly keep fr'm laughin' now to think iv it. An' ther ye ar-re. Gintlemen, on me sacred wurrud iv honor-what? That's th' same as sayin' over th' left?-F. P. Dunne, in Collier's Weekly.

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CHICAGO

MCKINLAY ON "THE JAPANESE."

We

Following are extracts from a speech delivered by Congressman Duncan E. McKinlay, of California, before the House of Representatives: "Many in this house are anxious to extend American trade in the Orient. hear a good deal on every side about Oriental trade, and we hear more from the workingmen of the Pacific Coast about excluding the Japanese coolie from our shores; American labor fears his competition, especially in California. Then we hear on the floor of this house the answer, that we must have Oriental trade, even if we disregard the wishes and interests of the laboring men of the Pacific Coast. Why, gentlemen, in that trip through the Orient we visited Japan as well as the Philippine Islands, and it seems to me that any reasonable person observing the preparations which Japan is making today for a great industrial career, must come to the conclusion that she will be as successful, commercially and industrially, as she has been in conquering the forces of Russia upon land and sea. We visited the principal cities of Japan, and found in everyone of them amazing industrial activity. We found them making preparations for the manufacture of almost every commodity that is used in the Oriental world. In the city of Osaka, which is called the "Pittsburg of Japan," we found buildings being erected almost upon every street corner and smoking chimneys upon every corner of those buildings. We found that the great statesmen of Japan, headed by Marquis Ito, were even then making preparations for the bringing back of the armies from Manchuria and Korea, and the training of them in industrial methods, even as they have been training them for the past fifteen years in the use of arms. I prophesy now, and it does not need the tongue of a prophet to tell you that the result of Japanese development along industrial lines, within the next ten years, under the tutelage that is even now being given them, will be as startling to the world as the wonderful victories they recently won from Russia upon the bloody fields of Manchuria and Korea or the stormy waters of the Sea of Japan.

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"What will America meet in Japanese industrial competition? She will meet a people absolutely unscrupulous in trade, commerce and productive methods. She will meet nation with the lowest-priced well-trained skilled labor in the world. On our recent trip through the Orient we learned that Japanese laborers work for 20 cents a day, American money; Japanese mechanics of ordinary ability for 35 cents, while the highest skilled machanical workmen receive no more than 1 yen per day, which is less than 50 cents in gold.

"We found how they were equipping their plants. It might be a cotton industry, it might be a woolen factory, it might be a boot and shoe factory, but we found them installing in those plants American and European machinery. The great cost of establishing an enterprise in this country is the expense of upto-date high speed machinery. In the United States the manufacturer who contemplates establishing an industry must first estimate the cost of such machinery. He buys, of course, the latest improved inventions. It may take a dozen twenty or a hundred machines to equip that factory. The cost of a plant may be five times the actual cost of making the machinery. Why? Because every cog and wheel and crank of the machines he buys is patented under American and European patent laws, and so the buyer of machinery pays a royalty to the patentee, and the total cost of equipment is proportionally high.

"But in Japan they buy American machinery for a model only. They send to this country, buy the latest-made machine, take it over there, and their skillful mechanics take it to pieces and make as many more like it as they require to equip their establishment, and by this method they furnish their industrial plants with machinery at one-fifth the outlay an identical establishment would cost in the United States. In Japan they simply pay no respect to the patent laws of America or those of European countries, and infringe upon all patents alike with absolute impunity. Thus they have a bed-rock capitalization added to their bedrock labor cost. And, added

to all this, these Japanese competitors of ours can buy their raw materials in the world's markets as cheaply as the manufacturers of the United States or Europe and yet we dream of industrially exploiting Japan, Korea, Manchuria or China-we dream of sending our ships to these Oriental lands and secure such a great proportion of Oriental trade that it shall build up the industries of the United States and make the nation great. "It is a vain dream. It will never be realized. We will never exploit, commercially or industrially, any territory under the flag of Japan or any nation under her guardianship, as China is today.

"Read the reports which comes from China. China-world-old China-slothful, prejudiced, and timid for a thousand years, at last rous

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ing from her indolence of a thousand centuries under the tutelage of Japan, is developing training and disciplining an army which may astonish the world and bid defiance to all the powers of the white nations.

"While on our return from the Philippine Islands we stopped at the city of Yokohama, and there I was told by one of the officers who accompanied General Macarthur through Manchuria that already Japan had on the way 30 American mills for the grinding of the grain of the fields of Manchuria. They were not 30 American mills made in the factories of the United States, but one American mill, used as a model, and 29 others manufactured in Japan at one-fifth the American cost, and yet we dream we will compete with those people in securing the trade of the Orient."

UNCLE SAM'S LETTERS TO JOHN BULL.
(Printed from the Original MS.)

EAR JOHN: Did you ever hear of the hazing of Billy Mason? By the United States' Senate? I know nothin' about it myself. Man alive! I hain't hardly been in the Senate since the civil war, but the boys tell it this way: Several years back Billy Mason went down to the Senate from the great state of Illinoy. He had some reputation as a talker, Billy had, and he ran bunt up agin the Senate rule that freshmen must keep quiet the first year.

You see, my early Senate claimed some big men, like Webster and Hayne, and some with lofty ideals, like Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Lyman Trumbull, of Illinoy. They cast a halo over the buildin', so you could see the dome of the capitol on a dark night. I guess they rely on electricity

now.

a

Well, the result is that a senator once elected feels as fine as a brass box. He's Webster, a Benton, a Sumner and a railroad company, all in one. He takes on the pomp of a college senior and-hazes the freshmen. The first year the newly elected senator must worship in silence. If he speaks to business, the senators lay up their things and seek the cloak-room. He has no audience. That fetches the most of 'em. The Senate laid it out for Billy. They hadn't met Billy Mason yet. Now Billy Mason is a portly man, the papers say, genial and kindly in modest as a locomotive headlight and retirin' as the cowcatcher. Some men talk easiest when they stand; Billy stands easiest when he talks, but he is an amiable man and has no objection to others speakin' in the chinks of time he is not usin' himself.

manner.

Well, the great hay-doors of the Senate were opened, and Illinoy, in the person of William E. Mason (his real name is Billy), passed in. Wide, wooly and western, and walkin' with a cane, he paced down the Senate aisles, and liked it. He glanced at the gal leries, saw it was good and took possession. Mason of Illinoy Had the doomed The senators be

Finally the time came.
arose to address the Senate.
man not heard the rule?
gan to rid up their desks to leave.

Now. where the rest of the Senate was, made really mighty little difference to Billy, for there never was a Senate yet in this world that Billy Mason couldn't run himself. Give him the reporters and he'd ask no favors, but he hated to see the senators take on airs and lose his jokes. So he threw them one as a sample:

"You all know how we got here?" says Billy, grinning around; and that one sentence knocked the pins from under the entire Senate of the United States. How they got there! Was there a man of them who had got there or fraud? without bribery and corruption

Why, the glow of the hell fires was yet on the wings of those radiant ones, fresh minted into senatorial angels at the forge-heats of legislative barter and sale of graft and the people's perquisites. Should they condition him-him, Billy Mason?

"You all know how we got here?" says Billy, pleasantly.

In awe of that Senate? He was the big, jovial schoolmaster who had caught the boys naughty, and was enjoying their discomfiture before he "licked the hide off'n 'em." "You

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