collections of anecdotes for preachers' use, which could conveniently be published in an unexpurgated translation. Dozens of songs and parodies written by medieval clerics, and preserved to. modern times in monastic or cathedral libraries, are far too licentious to be translated and published in any modern community. The beautiful poem from which Neale took "Jerusalem the Golden" is in many parts quite untranslatable. It is very strange that Dr. Barry, a professed medievalist, should not have at least some inkling of these things; and that he should not know how little the thirteenth century can be spoken of as a time of pure and ideal family life, untainted by divorce, tho space fails me to grapple here with a subject which is complicated by medieval legal fictions.

'On one point, however, I am glad to agree with Dr. Barry. Neo-Malthusianism is comparatively modern as a general practise. It is gaining ground alarmingly in most civilized countries; and I heartily indorse his plea that it is contrary both to natural and to Christian morality."

In his sneer at the "new decalogue," says Mr. Coulton, Dr. Barry "shows utter blindness to the entirely modern virtue of toleration." The point of Mr. Coulton's paper seems to be that Dr. Barry has exaggerated the significance of " the dummy agnostic whom he sets up to knock down again."

"You can not eliminate belief from the human mind, for you can not destroy the need of it to man. The proof of this is that even in our time men who have discarded the Christian faith erect for themselves some other idol-science, art, democracy, progress, solidarity, revolution."

M. Pelissier points out here the confusion in sense implied in speaking of believing in what is rational, and in mysteries which transcend or contradict reason-as, for instance, the rights of man. and transubstantiation-and proceeds to show how M. Brunetière makes even his faith require the support of authority. Why should we ask for authority? Why not choose between two solutions, and accept the more probable, more agreeable to mind and heart?

But M. Brunetière does not only profess to be a believer, but a Catholic.

'Comparing the two great Christian confessions, the Catholic and the Protestant, he prefers the Catholic, because it is-I quote his own words-a government, a tradition, a sociology."

Catholicism is a sociology, contends M. Brunetière, because it teaches the solidarity of works and merits and the share which each has in the common property, while Protestantism is occupied by the salvation of the individual by faith. But would M. Brunetière think that there is any reality in a religion in which faith and works are separated? M. Pelissier then takes up the famous critic's assertion that Catholicism is a tradition-a doctrine unchangeable, independent of the vagaries of the individual. But if Catholicism demands a blind belief, based on authority, what is the use of personal faith? There is no room for it.

Finally, according to M. Brunetière, Catholicism is a government-and Protestantism is an anarchy. M. Pelissier proceeds: "What reason can M. Brunetière give for denying that Protestantism is a government? Are there no Protestant churches in existence? Are Protestant nations inferior to Catholic nations in material or moral qualities? If the Protestant religion is not an anarchy, much less is it an aristocratic religion. But the critic has often declared himself a democrat and declared the Protestants are aristocrats-perhaps they form a democracy of aristocrats, in which case where would M. Brunetière find himself as a democratic Catholic?

"Many unbelievers are converted by the heart and the imagination. Chateaubriand was an atheist in his Essay on Revolutions.' Bereavement melted his heart; he became a believer and wrote the Genius of Christianity,' a book which is not addressed to the understanding, but touches the heart and enchants the understanding, a book in which he leads us to see the truth of Christianity not by argument, but by the beauty of his descriptions. Such was not the conversion of M. Brunetière. It was purely intellectual, and sentiment had no share in it. If M. Brunetière has faith, it is because he is convinced by reason that he ought to have it. The act of faith proceeds from a logical demonstration-to him-yes-but not to every one; and therefore his example is only one of those isolated instances which can add nothing to the evidences or to the persuasiveness of the Christian faith."-Transla. tion made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

A Catholic View of Protestant Federation.-The recent meeting of the committee of arrangements for the Interchurch Conference on Federation (Protestant), which is to be held in Carnegie Hall, New York, from the fifteenth to the twentieth of November, calls forth the following comment in The Catholic Universe (Cleveland, Ohio):

"The sects of Protestantism want to form a trust or a combination to change the spots that scandalize even the heathens. The frantic efforts of Protestants 'to get together' only emphasize the fact of their disintegrating principle of private interpretation. When each captain and each private is made a commander in an army, the ranks will never 'dress up' for inspection, much less for battle. Before there can ever be a semblance of unity, a good many self-constituted officers and high privates must lose their shoulder-straps. When a sacrifice is wanted, 'the other fellow' is selected for the victim, and he claims that his demur is sanctioned by the Holy Ghost.

Of course the proposed national body can have nothing to do with creeds. Doctrines are submarine mines for the Protestant craft. The pilots and the captains fear them."

THE Protestant Alliance of England, at its recent annual meeting, was greatly exercised over the growth of conventual and monastic institutions in England as a result of the French Congregation laws. These institutions, the Alliance complained, were "gaining the young by the offer of special educational advantages, thus imbuing their minds with Romish superstitions." Some members went so far as to demur to applying complimentary phrases to King Edward, since in Ireland he had passed under a banner with the inscription "Welcome to the Friends of the Pope," and had attended a mass at Marienbad. The London correspondent of the New York Churchman comments as follows: "In themselves these declarations may provoke a smile, but the intense interest which English.. men show in such questions, even when their zeal is not discreet, is part of the nation's strength and one of the guarantees of the Church's democratic liberty."

FOREIGN COMMENT.

OSCAR II. OF SWEDEN AND THE THRONE OF NORWAY.

THE

HE King of Sweden bears the general reputation of being one of the best and most generous monarchs, one of the most accomplished savants and gentlemen of Europe. It is unfortunate for him that he has had two kingdoms to rule, and, as a writer in the Hamburger Nachrichten thinks, his administration has been divided, even distracted. "When he was needed in Norway at any crisis, he was always occupied in Sweden." In the Roman circus the performer who rode two horses and leaped alternately from the saddle of one to that of the other was called desultor; he was a desultory rider. Norwegians accuse Oscar II. of being a desultory ruler, with the implication that he sometimes sat longer in one saddle than in the other, for, as the above-quoted writer remarks," He is himself a Swede."

Judging from the demeanor of the King of Sweden, it does not appear that he anticipated the coup d'état which deposed him from the throne of Norway. Yet all his utterances that are published in the press indicate that his character has much in common with the ideal Scandinavian monarch of Shakespeare. Oscar II. received what from a personal standpoint he must have taken as an affront, "more in sorrow than in anger." His kingly dignity and self-restraint are evidenced in a letter which he recently addressed to the Storthing, or parliament, of Norway.

The royal communication is published in the Post och Inrikestidningen (Christiania). In this letter he says that his oath to the Norwegian Constitution obliges him to answer the charge that his veto of the Norwegian measure for a separate consular service, on May 27, was unconstitutional and contrary to the independence and sovereignty of Norway, and that it was, moreover, illegal, null, and void, because it lacked the endorsement of the Prime Minis

THE MAN OF THE MOMENT. KAISER WILLIAM "Modesty forbids my suggesting the right man to intervene, but "-(bitterly)-"I suppose it will be Roosevelt as usual!" -Punch (London).

ter. King Oscar puts forth long and exhaustive arguments in favor of his position; he claims absolute right to exercise his judgment in acting for the best interests of the United Kingdom, and says that in making his decision on the consulate question he consulted the interests both of Norway and the union. He concludes in the following words:

"The Constitution I have sworn to respect and the good of the

Naturally the Swedish papers are enthusiastic over the King's message to the Storthing. Says the Stockholms Bladet: "The letter or the King is so calm in language that every one

will admire in astonishment the self-control which the writer exhibits The fact that such a letter has come before the Storthing clearly shows that a way is open not only for a personal union between the two countries, but also for the succession of a young Bernadotte to the Swedish throne."

Equally tolerant, hopeful, and enthusiastic is the Stockholms Tidningen, which declares:

"King Oscar takes a firm stand on the ground of right and truth. Revolutions have their justification, when a people's rights are threatened or denied or when oppression crushes the subjects of a throne. But a king is never to be deposed when he is merely maintaining his position on the basis of constitutional enactment or takes a step which he believes is called for by his duty as a ruler."

The Dagens Nyheta (Stockholm) seems impressed with the King's statement, as likely to prove a document of permanent value in the history of the Swedish-Norwegian conflict, but remarks rather vaguely :

As regards ourselves and in view of the final verdict of Europe, the King's sound and logical presentation of the Norwegian imbroglio, if considered aright, is a statement which deserves the most careful consideration."

Naturally enough, the Norwegian press do not agree with the Swedish view. The Aftenposten (Christiania) intimates, in its criticism of King Oscar's letter, that that monarch's conception of the Union and of his own constitutional rights and duties is unjust and illogical, as well as quite irreconcilable with all that constitutes national independence and constitutional prosperity. To this the Morgenbladet (Christiania) adds the reflection that the King has not uttered a single word in answer to the Storthing's request for his cooperation in the election of a new king. This silence on the part of King Oscar induces that paper to think that he will consider that point at some future time.

In predicting the ultimate outcome of the Swedish-Norwegian

these "adverse currents are setting in the direction of war, altho the Norwegian poet, Jonas Lie, writing in the Copenhagen paper, Politiken, says: "I believe that most Norwegians feel as I do— we wish for no war; we wish for peace."

The Neue Freie Presse (Vienna) speaks of the two Scandinavian peoples in a haut en bas tone, ending with a somewhat sinister reference to the octopus power of Russia. It says:

So long as these little Northern Powers are not threatened by any foreign danger, no one need pay much attention to the present squabble. But it will be a different matter if the rupture be made permanent. Norway and Sweden are not the only nations in the world, and there is a capital city outside of Christiania, where there are leaders who will rejoice over the Scandinavian crisis, and that capital city is St. Petersburg."

The Copenhagen Ekstrabladet says of Christian Michelsen, chief of the cabinet and Storthing, who is now practically ruler of Norway: "The man who of a sudden has become the head of the Norwegian Government, is a man in the zenith of his strength. He was born in 1857, and is thus only forty-eight years of age.

M. VINJE.

A man of indomitable energy, an iron will, quick to decidesuch is Norway's chief.

"In 1879 he was admitted to the bar, practised for a few years as a lawyer, and thereafter became a partner of one of the large firms of shipowners in Bergen. His tireless energy, and the lively interest he took in public affairs, soon made him one of the leading men of this important community, and after having served for some years as chairman of the aldermanic board he was in 1891 returned to the Storthing as the representative of Bergen. In the Rigsdag he belonged to the radical wing of the left. He retired in 1894, but was reelected in 1903, was appointed a member of Hagerup's cabinet, and, upon the fall of that ministry, was chosen chief of the new.

"

The Kobenhavn (Copenhagen) contains the following letter from its Norwegian correspondent:

Whenever the German Emperor has visited Bergen he has always sent for Michelsen. The latter has had to breakfast and dine on the imperial yacht, and the emperor has never tired of his conversation. And God only knows how they keep the conversation going, for Michelsen's German is not very intelligible. But the Emperor likes him nevertheless, and has always asked his opinion in matters pertaining to Norwegian politics. Recent developments seem to prove that the Emperor chose the right source of information."

Speaking of the reply made by the Storthing to the communication of King Oscar, above referred to, The Times (London) says: "The Storthing maintain their own view of the lawfulness of their action. That was as certain as that the King should deny it. But they recognize in the amplest terms, and with evident conviction, the good faith of his Majesty in defending the rights and prerogatives which he claims for the crown. They appeal to him and to the Swedish Riksdag and people to assist them in the peaceful dissolution of the Union and in safeguarding friendship and concord between the two nations."-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

DEPORTING AMERICAN LABORERS FROM

CANADA.

The

WHAT is considered by the Canadian press a curious and important point of international law has been settled by the decision of Judge Anglin that the Canadian Alien Labor Law is unconstitutional, and that Canada not being a sovereign State, her Parliament has gone beyond its powers in decreeing the deportation of foreign contract laborers who may have been introduced into the Dominion for the purpose of working there. decision is apropos of certain American engineers who were engaged on the construction of the Père Marquette Canal. The Canadian authorities arrested these men, with a view to deporting them under the Alien Labor Act. According to the judge, Canada's authority ceases on the frontier line, and in his ruling he says that carrying a prisoner to Detroit is a violation of United States territory," and continues:

"In theory his [the alien laborer's] imprisonment may cease at the instant his body is carried over the border; in fact, he is not carried to the border, but to the city of Detroit, in United States territory, by compulsion of Canadian law."

The Toronto Weekly Sun thinks that this interpretation of the law is advantageous to Canada, which will practically enjoy free trade in labor and will be able to take the pick of the world.

The London (Ont.) Advertiser says that the Canadian Alien Labor law was a measure of retaliation directed against the United States, which inaugurated a similar movement, and writes as follows:

66

Alien labor laws, as between Canada and the United States, are unneighborly and illogical. Uncle Sam began it, and if he chooses to drop it Canada will meet him half way."

The Ottawa Temps (French) discusses the point as to whether the decision applies to the whole or merely to one clause of the act, and says:

"The question is; Does this decision declare ultra vires the whole act, or only that article of it which authorizes deportation? If this latter alone is illegal, the matter might be remedied by the substitution of an adequate fine."

The same newspaper joins in the expression of widespread dissatisfaction with which Judge Anglin's decision is greeted in Can

ada, and finally declares, speaking of "almost all Canadian journals":

"Their comments on the decision of Judge Anglin are decidedly unfavorable. They consider it unjust that the United States can deport our laborers and that we can not do the same with theirs. But all depends upon the point of view from which we consider this matter. The question is, Is a foreign workman an advantage or a disadvantage to the country in which he intends to find work? If he is an advantage and earns his wage, why deport him? If he is a disadvantage, why was he induced to come to the country?" Translation made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

THA

FAILURE OF THE KAISER'S POLICY
PREDICTED.

HAT the Emperor William II. acted in a consistent manner and in pursuance of definite plans when he supplanted France in the favor of the Sultan at Tangier, is apparent to some European observers from the course of previous events. Germany wishes to keep Morocco independent, because she aspires to be a. Mediterranean Power, and Morocco commands the western gate of the Mediterranean. She has large interests in Syria and Mesopotamia, and these are controlled from the Mediterranean. In the Far East she has to protect her commerce in China and Oceanica, and these regions, as well as the East Coast of Africa, are approachable through the eastern gate of the Mediterranean, the Suez Canal. As Russia worked her course to a port on the Pacific, so Germany hopes eventually to force her way southward to a sea outlet on the Adriatic at Trieste, or on the Egean at Salonica. Such is the contention of Francesco Evoli in L'Italia Moderna: (Rome), who proceeds to show what part France and England are to play in the Emperor's plan " to change Germany's European. policy into a world policy." And first, as to France's position on. the continent of Africa, this writer says:

- Fischietto (Turin).

THE HUNGRY DOGS AT HOME

are fiercer than the dogs of war.

-Fischietto (Turin)..

would give to the African colonial empire of France a continuity and formidable size which would guarantee to France its peaceful Occupation for the future."

He goes on to say that the other Powers interested in Morocco were Spain, Italy, and England, all strong Mediterranean Powers, and exercising great influence at the court of Tangier. France, after the affair of Fashoda, fell into accord with England; Spain was too weak to follow her commerce into African colonization; Italy felt her influence vanish on the death of the Sultan Muley Hassan. It seemed as if England and France alone remained to claim Northwestern Africa. But a formidable commercial rival of England had meanwhile appeared in Germany. To quote further:

"England now saw herself confronted in her commerce and commercial relations by two strong rivals, America and Germany. The sudden appearance of the latter country in the arena of world politics, with a new and powerful navy seemed likely to diminish the supremacy of England as a world Power, to snatch from her her domination of the sea, and threaten her even in her island home. To-day the aim of the military and naval policy of England is directed against her only two enemies: Russia and Germany."

It was in view of these circumstances that England formed the entente with France, of which this writer says:

"The entente of 19 is not only interesting because of its content, but it has an importance of historic significance, in that it marks an epoch in the life and political relations of two great nations."

France was enjoying a free hand in Morocco, exploring the interior, putting down insurrections against the Sultan, developing the military power and material resources of the country, as well as superintending the administration of justice, advancing loans for the construction of roads and means of transport, and raising fortifications. Then it was that William II. appeared on the scene and gained the ear of the Sultan. French influence was destroyed, Delcassé dismissed, and Germany established at Tangier.

At the conference of the Powers which is to settle the rival claims of Germany and France in Morocco, Germany's position as a world Power will be decided. The Emperor of Germany aims especially at extending German commerce and influence in the East. "William wishes to appear before the Mussulman

world as the sole defender of the rights of the Caliphate in Europe." But he must have his price for this-concessions in Syria and Palestine, commercial privileges, railroad rights, and grants in the vast mineral regions of Anatolia. As a matter of fact, German influence has at this moment supplanted that of either France, England, or Russia with the Turkish Government.

Speaking of the entente between England and France, this writer continues:

"At this present moment the diplomatic understanding between England and France considerably diminishes Germany's chance of predominance in the Mediterranean, and it will prove a gigantic barrier to German colonial expansion in every quarter of the globe. This barrier will prove insurmountable if the United States should become a party to the entente, in accordance with the words uttered in Paris some days ago by the new ambassador of the great republic of North America on the occasion of presenting his credentials."

Francesco Evoli proceeds to say that the preponderance of France in the Levant, where French religious establishments" form so many admirable agencies for introducing French policy, industry, and commerce," is dependent upon France's protectorate over Christians in the Orient. This protectorate, he says, William II. showed his willingness to undertake by accepting, "with great pomp and political emphasis," the Cross of the Holy Sepulcher.

Finally he speaks of the coming conference of the Powers, and says that England and France will be paramount in the decisions arrived at. In his own words:

ous.

"The conclusion of the whole affair, granted the cooperation of Germany and the eventuality of a conference, seems to be obviThe conference will grant to France the opportunity of carrying on, as the Power most interested in the tranquillity, development, and progress of Morocco, all the reforms necessary in that country, for no one can deny that the necessity of her African colonies depends upon the pacification of the Shereefian dominions. When this has been done, will not the shout over Germany's diplomatic triumph appear to have been slightly premature?"-Translation made for THE LITERARY DIGEST,

KING ALFONSO, says the Daily News (London), apropos of the King of Spain's recent visit to London, "will take away in his memory a confused vision of wet pavements, turtle soup, Beef-eaters, and hundreds of personages, distinguished and other, exerting themselves to interest and please him. The King of Spain must give England another trial."