MAY 29, 1832.] The Tariff. [H. OF R. The ty is useless almost for any other purpose, and must, to a which the duty is, I believe, five cents per pound, and I great extent, be lost, and lost not to the disadvantage of have understood they sell at about the same sum. the manufacturers exclusively: there, it is true, the pres- truth is, the duty is never an addition to the price, except sure and weight will be first and most heavily felt, but where the competition is feeble, and the foreigner is perthe whole country will soon feel that it has sustained an mitted to retain, in a great degree, the market; if, on the injury. Those who furnish the raw material will imme- other hand, it is active and powerful, it will prevent the diately discover that they have been deprived of a mar-importer from charging the duty to the consumer. What ket; those who supply the provisions, the flour, the wheat, says the fact as to iron? It is unquestionable that the efthe corn, the rye, the beef, the pork, and the almost in- fect of the law of 1828 has been a reduction of the price. numerable articles which subsistence demands, will find Iron has not been so low since 1793 as it now is. While all their surplus products cheapened, or remaining on it has not fallen in England, from 1829 to 1831, to any their hands for want of purchasers; and last, though not amount deserving attention, it has been cheapened in less certainly, those who use the manufactures will be America, in all those years, about twenty-five per centum. convinced that their consumption is furnished at a dearer To what can this be ascribed but domestic competition? rate, since domestic competition no longer prevents the I might continue this exhibition of facts in regard of foreigner from charging his own price: for, although the other manufactures, but I forbear. report of the Committee on Manufactures treats it as pa- What is it proposed to do? To foster and cherish a radoxical, and alleges that "it seems to conflict with the system that has been productive of so much good, and first dictates of common sense, that duties of impost more than answered the predictions of its friends, by cheapen the price of the articles on which they are le- which our own citizens are sustained in elaborating manuvied," it is, nevertheless, as evident as any other truth factures that the consumer buys as cheap, or cheaper, whatever. To some of the positions in that report I than the foreign, and better; and the money necessary to heartily assent, while others taken in it appear to me to conduct the process, and to purchase the article manufacbe heretical. Of those parts from which I dissent, I can- tured, is expended among ourselves, at home, and, distrinot speak but in terms of the greatest respect: the cha- buted in numberless streams, goes to support honest racter, the talents, the position in the country of its dis- American industry and thrift--by which the farmer, the tinguished author, [Mr. ADAMS,] and last, though not mechanic, the laborer, the merchant, the entire circle of least, the earnestness with which I am persuaded he is society, is benefited, by throwing on its surface money seeking to advance the public interest, and the sentiments that would otherwise be sent abroad, and which, being which all these considerations have inspired, forbid a dif-absorbed by the various occupations of life, aids, most exferent course. But I will array against the position al- tensively and powerfully, in strengthening and invigorluded to, the opinions of the master spirits of the age; of ating the whole? No, sir, but to adopt a measure that him who, in the most intricate department of the Govern-will, in my judgment, be fatal to all its branches. We ment, brought order out of chaos, and opened out roads are asked, by the bill reported by the honorable chairman of duty in the Treasury Department, which have been of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. McDUFFIE,] travelled upon ever since, and who reached so advanced to reduce the duties on iron, and the manufactures of it, a point of progression, that, in this age of improvement, to less than they were in 1794, and those on cotton manuwhen the march of the world is rapidly onward, the ta- factures to the same standard that they then bore; to bring lents of his successors have not carried them beyond it. down the duty on iron seventy-five per centum on its preI will refer to the views of living statesmen, having just sent rates, and that on wool and woollens after nearly the claim to great weight for their opinions, and whom I same proportion, and the duty on cottons more than thirwould name if they were not yet on the stage of human ty-three per centum. Do gentlemen think there is less existence, and some of them most active and efficient occasion for a duty now than in 1828--now, when our inmembers of the present National Legislature. It is said, terests are prodigiously enlarged? The testimony of witin the report, to be "contrary to the natural order of nesses examined before the Committee on Manufactures, things that an addition to the cost should be a reduction and to be found among the documents of this House, of the price of an article." This is assuming the very will show that an increase of duty was, at that time, matter in controversy. It does not seem to me that thought to be necessary. Can it be less so at this day, the imposition of a duty on an article of import is an addi- when additional millions have been invested, and the pubtion to the cost of a similar article manufactured in the lic are better and more cheaply accommodated? Has our United States, nor always to that of the import. The commerce suffered? No. Has not our internal trade inprotection afforded is not in the enhancement of price, creased immensely? Yes. Why, then, interfere detribut in the giving of a market; and what is the conse-mentally to those great interests? It is said that we shall quence? You encourage the manufactories in operation not want the revenue which the present imposts will proto extend their business; you stimulate others into exist- duce, after the public debt shall have been extinguished; ence; the supply is increased at home; domestic compe- and the honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. tition arises between rival factories; general competition MCDUFFIE] has placed the sum which will then be necesfor the market between foreigners and them; and "the sary for Government purposes at ten millions of dollars. natural course of things" is, that the consumer is provided I do not concur in this opinion, but prefer the estimate of at a smaller price. This effect will be greater or less, the Secretary of the Treasury, who fixes the amount that according to the proportion the supply bears to the de- our expenditures will require at twelve millions, and mand, and, to my mind, is as apparent as that two and deems it a measure of prudence to have in our public coftwo make four. On this subject facts appear to be con-fers, annually, fifteen millions of dollars. But I do not clusive. Cotton cloths have fallen, under the influence intend now to consider this proposition; a fitter occasion of the policy adopted, from about seventeen cents (which for doing so will occur when the amendment providing was stated to be their price, in a letter from Mr. Isaac for the exemption from duty of those articles which do Briggs, of Delaware, to the honorable William Lowndes, not, and cannot, compete with us, submitted, some days dated 12th March, 1816) to eight cents, or thereabouts: since, by my honorable friend from Massachusetts, [Mr. and, as showing the fallacy of the idea that the duty is DAVIS,] shall be offered, if an opportunity for doing so necessarily an addition to the cost, let it be remembered will be afforded him. Another reason of the greatest that the duty on this species of manufacture is eight and delicacy, and calling for the most ready, attentive, and three-fourths cents per yard; for less than which it is ac-anxious consideration, is urged, and urged by some of the tually selling. The same remark is true of nails, on most talented and patriotic men in the nation, with a force H. OF R.] The Tariff. [MAY 29, 1832. and strength worthy of their intellectual endowments, States without any other charge than the payment of and with a zeal and earnestness that demonstrate the entire conviction of their minds that their positions are founded in truth and justice. freight; or, if he be a wise man, he will deposite it in England, and draw a bill of exchange for the amount, which he can dispose of at ten per centum premium; or, if he I approach this branch of the subject, Mr. Chairman, must have goods, he can ask for such as are duty free. with unfeigned sensibility, and reciprocate in the fullest If the position of the honorable gentleman, with whom I manner the kindness of feeling expressed by the honora- differ in opinion, were correct, it would seem natural that ble gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE.] cotton should fall in price: for there is no principle on I not only know, but I feel, that we are of one kindred--which it can be maintained that the producer pays the might I not say not merely political, but that we own the duty on articles imported, unless it may be shown that he ties of consanguinity: for although our veins do not con- gets less for what he sells than formerly. The law of tain the blood of a common ancestry, yet the blood of 1828 is most complained of; it is the one by which duties those ancestors has been mingled on the battle plain. It on woollens have been most increased, and increased, as is contended that the system of protection is oppressive is alleged, to the detriment of the South. As far as conto the South, which is declining under its blighting in-sumption goes, duty may be paid, but not one jot beyond fluence, and that she is made to pay the greater part of it: for cotton was as high in 1830 as in 1827-precisely the duty, inasmuch as her staple furnishes the largest the same price in the United States, having been nine proportion of the export, and it were folly or blindness cents and a very small fraction in each year; while in Linot to see that great excitement prevails in relation to verpool it was lower in 1827, and in 1823, than in 1830-this subject. I hope this family feud may be unlike those having been in the former year five to six and three-fourths of private life, which are always bitter. It has been of- pence per pound; in 1828, five and three-fourths to six ten asserted that we who come from other quarters of the and seven-eighths pence; and in 1830, the price was five country are incapable of judging of the distress which and seven-eighths to seven and one-eighth pence. It is prevails to the South, or of the causes which produced not easy to perceive how he who never negotiated for it; and the right even to decide upon this question has the purchase of goods-who never owned them, or paid seemed to have been almost denied sometimes. I would for them--who never saw them, and who never used not intrude myself into the private concerns of my bro-them, could be responsible for a duty on the importation ther, but this is not his affair alone-it is mine as well as of them. To state the proposition seems to be sufficient his-it is a joint concern, in which I conceive I have the to refute it. The position is confidently taken that goods largest stake. The whole country is concerned, deeply manufactured in England, and obtained for cotton, beconcerned: it is an occasion that I would not seek, but it come immediately, on the exchange, by a sort of talismais one on which, when it comes to me, I cannot avoid act- nic operation, American productions--the productions of ing. Sir, the fact of Southern complaint, and the agita- the planter who has grown the cotton. I understood the tion that it has produced, create sincere regret. That honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. McDurany portion of our country should be declining, must be [FIE] to say he was willing to place the whole question on deplored; and if, in my judgment, there could be any re- the correctness of this assumption. It would be rather a medy found for it here, no man would more readily ex-hazardous experiment to do so. Follow out the idea, tend it, unless some great consideration enjoined it upón and it will lead you away from the gentleman's conclusion. me as a duty, looking to the prosperity of the whole, to Admitting, for the sake of the argument, the soundness of withhold it. How is this alleged injury wrought? It is the allegation, it will scarcely be contended that the said that the staple of the South provides the great mass Southern section of the Union retains all the goods which of our exports, and that the articles exchanged for the are imported, or that it consumes a proportion of them crop being dutied, it is in effect a charge upon the crop, equivalent in value to the cotton exported. You want for the merchandise being taxed, so much less is obtained some of them for your comfort and convenience; I desire for the crop. I hold this to be a mistake. Where the to use a portion; and each citizen in society is a purchaser duty is paid by any one in the United States, it is not to some extent; our industry, our land, the exercise of more certainly a law of nature that the sun shall give light the mechanic arts, or professional labors--all American-and heat to the earth, than it is one of trade, that he who furnish the means of exchange or purchase; and do not consumes shall pay the impost. But, in the brisk and the foreign manufactures obtained, in your hands, or effective competition which the skill and enterprise of mine, or those of our neighbors, become as much Ameour manufacturers have enabled them to establish and rican productions as in the planter's? Is there any thing maintain, it is more generally thrown upon the foreign peculiar in the avails of his skill and industry, which does manufacturer or importer, who, by the increased supply not belong to yours or mine? According, then, to this and that competition, and the consequent reduction of strange doctrine, the consumer becomes the producer, price, is prevented from adding the duty to the price, and in this latter quality pays the duty; and either way and is thus made a large and involuntary contributor to you are conducted to the only rational principle, that our public treasury. What is the ordinary course of busi-when the duty is not thrown by competition upon the foness in the disposition of cotton? Does the planter him-reign manufacturer or importer, the consumer pays it. self export his crop, and import the merchandise he uses? In regard of the depreciated value of cotton, I believe the In very few, if any instances, I apprehend; and when he fact to be, that the extension of manufactures, and indoes, he is a consumer to the amount of so much. Usual-crease of consumption, (and it has increased in much greatly the cotton grower sells his crop to a merchant in his er proportion at home than abroad,) have kept up the neighborhood, without reference to the duty on goods, price of cotton, of which the product has been almost treor so much as thinking of it. This transaction over, and bled in seven years. If the consumption had been stationthe planter having received his price in money, or goods, ary, the fall in price must have been much greater. or both, at home, there is an end to his agency in the matter. The cotton is sent to New York or Liverpool, where it is sold, and goods purchased, into the price of which is put the impost (when the foreigner does not lose it) and all other charges, which are of course paid by the man who buys and uses them. But it is not necessary that goods should be taken for cotton; he who sells may demand money, which he can bring to the United Founds. In 1824 the export of cotton amounted to 142,369,663 1825 do. do. do. 176,449,907 1826 do. do. do. 204,535,415 1827 do. do. do. 294,310,115 1828 MAY 30, 1832.] Survey of the Coast. [H. OF R. In 1831, there were produced in the United States me, shall follow the only safe guide of life, which di375,925,302 pounds of cotton, but its precise price in that rects me to do my duty, and leave the consequences to the year I do not know. In 1827 and 1830, it brought ex-intelligence and patriotism of the South, and to God, with actly the same sum per pound. Aggregate value of export in 1827 was $29,359,545 do. 1830 was 29,674,883 Do. do. The value of labor whom rest the destinies of man. WEDNESDAY, MAY 30. The resolution of Mr. H. EVERETT, for inquiry, &c. into the Post Office, coming up, Mr. R. M. JOHNSON, who had not then concluded his it was again postponed at the request of Mr. R. M. JOHNThe resolution of Mr. H. EVERETT again coming up, SON; and the House, on motion of Mr. BRANCH, went into Committee of the Whole on the bill making appropriations for the various objects of the naval and other branches of the public service; amongst these, was the bill providing for the SURVEY OF THE COAST. In 1828 and 1829, cotton bore a better price than in 1827 or 1830, which would fortify the idea that the fall in the market value was owing to increased production; for in the two latter years it was produced in greatest quantity. The real reason of the decline complained of is the state remarks, expressed a wish that it should be deferred, as of the world, and the changes consequent upon there did not seem to be a quorum present in the House, the great events of 1815, together with the opening of an immense to listen to what he had to say on the subject: but the country in the South and Southwest, and the appropriation House might proceed to the more important business lyof a vast body of land, formerly unused, or yielding othering undisposed of on the Speaker's table. productions, to the culture of cotton. The subject was accordingly postponed by general has depreciated, because of the depreciation of its pro- after which, consent, and the House disposed of several other subjects; ducts, and the price of the laborer is proportionably cheapened. But on the score of labor, I imagine little can be said. The honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE] placed the annual value of the labor of a slave at three bales of cotton, of three hundred pounds each, or nine hundred pounds, which, at nine cents, will give eighty-one dollars; and in the agricultural districts of my own State, men may be hired at seven dollars per month, or eighty-four dollars for the year. The same causes have produced the same results every where, and On this bill, Mr. WARD, of New York, said he did not ever will produce them under the like circumstances. rise to oppose the bill under consideration, but for the In Pennsylvania, the change of the world from war to purpose of submitting to the consideration of the Compeace was followed by the utmost distress. The influence mittee on Naval Affairs the expediency of proposing an of the change was not much felt until 1818, or 1819; but amendment to the bill, and which, if adopted, would be a then, sir, real estate fell from sixty to eighty per centum; means of saving much money to the nation. The survey the produce of our farms from sixty to seventy; the la- of the coast, he said, was first contemplated in the year borer, whose services once commanded from ten to twelve 1807, as appears by letters from Mr. Gallatin, then Secredollars per month, found difficulty in obtaining from five tary of the Treasury, to Mr. Hassler, and was intended to six. Ruin, in its most gigantic form, stalked over the for the benefit of our navigating and commercial interests. land. By conforming ourselves to our circumstances, and The law of that year is now proposed to be revised by the by the most untiring industry and frugal economy, although present bill, which provides that the President of the every thing is yet depressed, we have, as a community, United States shall have the power to appoint a suitable overcome it, and are thriving; but, in the throes and person as astronomer to conduct it, together with officers agony of embarrassment, many an opulent family was of the army and navy. That part relating to an astronoobliged to resign its home to the occupation of others. Imer, or rather the employment of civil characters, was most sincerely wish our Southern brethren were through abolished in the year 1818. their difficulties; but the reduction or the removal of the duties of impost would not relieve them. Is not the article of salt higher now than it was when the duty upon it was twenty cents? Does not coffee command a greater price, under its present almost nominal duty, than when it carried one five times as high? Is tea cheaper, for the reduction of the duty upon it? By so much as you reduce the duties, by so much will you benefit the foreign manufacturer, and no one else. Two methods were recommended for the survey of the coast, under the act of 1807, and, in his opinion, the wrong one was adopted; that is, one by measuring a series of triangles all along the coast, connecting by them the principal points, and called a triangulation; the other, that of ascertaining all the principal points by the use of chronometers and astronomical observations, and technically called the chronometric mode. The triangulation mode was adopted, and after being continued for ten years, and at an expense of upwards of two hundred thousand dollars, so little had been accomplished, that Congress put a stop to it, and wisely, too, for it would have been an almost endless work, and would have expended for the nation several millions of dollars. Indeed, said he, it would have taken almost a century to complete it, judging from the progress that was made during the ten years that it was continued, and from the progress which other nations have made in similar works. Both the English and the French began theirs in 1789; the former was not finished until 1820, and the latter is not yet completed. The triangulation of Ireland began in 1825; and by the report of the proceedings in 1831, it appears that only about one-third part was finished. If the law of 1807 should be revived without limitation, it would bring this burden again upon us. It is painful, exceedingly painful, Mr. Chairman, to resist such earnest appeals; any thing personally my own should be yielded at once and without hesitation; but I am here in the exercise of delegated authority; I am the agent of others, who have confided to my care their most important interests, with the knowledge, or at least the belief, that their opinions and my views on this subject harmonized. Shall I forget those interests, and that people to whom I owe all that I am, or can hope to be? When I do, may I be despised of men and deserted by heaven! I feel, sir, all the responsibility of the times; a crisis, in the opinion of many gentlemen, has almost arrived; no man deplores the unhappy state of things more than the individual who addresses you; but, with the settled convictions of his own mind, with the knowledge which he has of the interests of his constituents, with the The reasons why the bill ought not to be adopted, as it several times declared and unanimously expressed sense of now stands, are, that a correct knowledge of our coasts his own State Legislature before him, and with his belief may be obtained in a much shorter time, and at very mothat the South is not injured, and that a large proportion derate expense, by adopting the chronometric mode. It of the country is greatly benefited by the American sys-is well known, doubtless, to all the members of this House, tem, he cannot desert it. Amid the difficulties around that very great improvements have taken place in the VOL. VIII.-200 H. OF R.] The Tariff. [MAY 30, 1832 making of chronometers within these twenty-five years. ing, on the proposition of Mr. ADAMS, the subject-matter This mode of ascertaining points and places of a coast of the bill reported by Mr. McDUFFIE, in which Messrs. has been practised with very great accuracy in Europe by R. M. JOHNSON, WATMOUGH, HALL, of North the English, French, and Russians, in all their late surveys: Carolina, H. EVERETT, and SUTHERLAND, participatthe accuracy in combination with astronomical observa- ed; and in answer to inquiries made respecting it, tions is not surpassed by any other mode in ascertaining Mr. ADAMS restated that it was not the intention of the position of places. It has been employed to correct the committee, under whose instructions he acted, to arthe triangulations, and successfully, having detected an rest the debate at all; and he considered that every memerror of five seconds in time of longitude in all the station-ber would have the right to discuss the propriety of either ary points in the triangulation of England. bill. The only effect of his motion would be, that the The coast survey, said Mr. W., will not be completed, committee would have an opportunity given them to exif the method of triangulation is again adopted, under press an opinion, and the question might be taken on the sixty years, and that, too, at an expense of many millions proposition he submitted. of dollars, and our navigating interest will derive no earthly benefit from it whatever during all that time. Whereas, if the chronometrical mode should be adopted, (and he hoped the committee would propose an amendment to the bill to that effect, when it shall have been reported to the House,) it may be completed in five years, and the results will be of use immediately to the commercial and shipping interest of our country. There are already several accurate surveys of the coast, and all that is now required is to examine the harbors and different inlets, as also all the principal lighthouses, capes, and headlands. The bills were then severally reported to the House. THE TARIFF. The House again went into committee on the tariff bill. Mr. CRAWFORD 'resumed, and spoke some time in conclusion of the speech which he commenced yesterday. [Given entire above.] When he finished, Mr. SUTHERLAND said, as there was some difficulty in the subject, it might be better to withdraw it for the present. Mr. BURGES acknowledged that he would feel it extremely awkward to reply, as he meant to do, to the principles advanced by Mr. McDUFFIE, in support of his bill, yesterday, in the debate on another bill, the principle of which was totally different. He could not conceive what right the committee had to lay aside any bill, without taking a vote on it, and suggested that the course should be to move the bill from the Committee on Manufactures as an amendment to the other bill. The CHAIRMAN observed that the proposition to lay aside the bill and proceed to consider another, was perfectly in order. Mr. DAVIS rose to express his hope that his colleague would withdraw his proposition until the next day. It did not seem to have been anticipated on the part of the Mr. ADAMS rose, and said that he was instructed by the House, who evidently wished that the debate should proCommittee on Manufactures to move that the bill now ceed, at least for this day. And if he should deem it exbefore the committee (reported by the Committee of pedient, the proposition could be renewed. With reWays and Means) should be laid aside, and that they spect to the amendment he had formerly stated it was his should proceed to consider the bill reported by the Com- intention to offer, he did intend to offer an amendment, mittee on Manufactures. In making this proposition, Mr. though it might not be in precisely the form he had oriA. disclaimed being actuated by any wish to arrest the argu- ginally proposed; but, as he had not yet determined in ment on the bill under discussion, or, in the slightest de- what manner it should be made, he was not then prepared gree, interfere with the disposition of any member of the to submit it. With respect to the point of order in disHouse to express his sentiments on it. The principle of pute, he thought the subject before the committee was the two bills was essentially different; although he did not for the consideration of the specific bill reported from the deem it necessary then to go into any discussion on the Committee of Ways and Means. That bill had been under principle, yet it would save much time if the committee, discussion on Monday and to-day. The proposition now to in assenting to his proposition to take up the bill re- lay it aside, and take up another bill, was irregular. ported by the Committee on Manufactures, would there- bills were of a distinct character, although in relation to a by decide against the principle contained in the bill common matter; and he could not think it was competent reported by the Committee of Ways and Means. His for any member to so far extend the rules of the House, as colleague [Mr. DAVIS] had intimated an intention of offer- to allow of argument in debate on one bill, which had ing an amendment when the subject should be before the been laid aside. The House. The principle of that amendment was different Mr. ADA!IS said, having been fortified by the decision from the bills reported by the Committees of Ways and of the Chair in his opinion that the debate on the bill Means and on Manufactures. If he still retained the de- could not, under the circumstances, be arrested, he did sire to propose his amendment, he could do so. The not feel himself at liberty to withdraw the proposition he Committee on Manufactures had considered that much had submitted; the matter was now subject to the decision valuable time would be saved; and, in that view, had in. of the committee. structed him to make his proposition. The subject being, however, the same, every member would be at liberty to express his sentiments in regard to the whole subject. Mr. APPLETON expressed a desire to reply to the remarks made by Mr. McDUFFIE yesterday, and inquired if he would be in order to do so, if the bill reported from the Committee on Manufactures was taken up. The CHAIR concurred in the opinion of Mr. ADAMS, that the whole subject would be open for debate. Mr. ARCHER, of Virginia, suggested that as the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means was not then in the House, it was due to him that this motion should not be pressed in his absence. He thought the preferable course would be for the committee now to rise, and report, &c., and then the proposition of the honorable member from Massachusetts could be made the following day. A desultory conversation arose as to the right of debat After further desultory conversation, It The CHAIRMAN repeated that the whole subject in relation to the tariff was before the committee; a majority had decided that the bill reported from the Committee of Ways and Means should be taken up and considered. was equally competent for a majority to lay it aside; this would not preclude debate on either bill; and in the correctness of this opinion he was sanctioned by the presiding officer, (the SPEAKER,) whom he consulted. In order to get rid of the difficulty, Mr. SUTHERLAND suggested to Mr. APPLETON that he could at once attain his object, to address the House then, by making a motion to amend the bill before the House, which would have precedence over the motion to lay it aside: thereupon, Mr. APPLETON moved to amend it by striking out the first section; which motion being debatable, he pro ceeded to address the House at length in reply to Mr. MCDUFFIE. [H. OF R. the tariff is made to blast and wither the fair fields of the South, whilst scattering plenty and wealth over the MidMr. APPLETON said it was with great diffidence that dle and Northern States of the Union. The notable dishe addressed himself to the committee, in reply to the covery has been made, that an impost duty is not, as eloquent speech of the honorable gentleman from South heretofore supposed, a tax upon the consumers of the Carolina; but it could not have escaped the notice of the commodities on which it is levied, but falls, exclusively, committee, that that gentleman had thought proper to on the original producers of the exports given in exchange make the application of his argument so personal to him, for the imported commodities; and, inasmuch as the ex[Mr. A.] and to make his appeals to him as representing ports of the United States are composed, mostly, of the a manufacturing interest, so direct, that he had no choice articles of cotton, rice, and tobacco, the productions of but to throw himself on their indulgence. It is true, said the South, the tax levied on imports imposes a very unMr. A., that, as the representative of a district deeply in- equal burden on the planters of the Southern States, the terested in this question, I had supposed that it might be- producers of those articles of export. However extraorcome my duty, at some period of the debate, to take a dinary it may be, this proposition has been brought bepart in it. But, so far as personal considerations are con- fore this House, under the sanction of one of its most imcerned, I should have preferred to have done it under portant committees, as an established truth, on the faith circumstances which would not have brought me so im- of which, and in obedience to its requisitions, we are mediately in contrast with the distinguished gentleman called upon to abandon a long established system of pofrom South Carolina; and I might, possibly, have shrunk licy, at whatever sacrifice of the property of individuals. from the attempt, but for the conviction that the advan- As a speculative opinion it is not altogether new. The tages which that gentleman possesses, in the command of distinguished gentleman from South Carolina is well language, and the graces and power of oratory, are coun-known as its author or discoverer, and he has stated to the terbalanced by the circumstance that they have been put committee that he proclaimed it in this House something in requisition to sustain a position fundamentally false; more than two years ago. I well remember its first prowhilst to me remains the easier task of defending the mulgation, and that it caught my attention as a mere cutruth, which, in the words of the poet, "needs no flow-riosity--an idle and harmless speculation; but, to my utter ers of speech." astonishment, under the fostering care of its author, this The honorable gentleman from South Carolina placed disregarded opinion has been made to assume form and himself at my side as a rival manufacturer, and charges consistence, until it has found its way within these walls, me with robbery and plunder, for the purpose of destroy-under the high sanction of an elaborated report, under ing his competition. He inquires by what right I claim circumstances and in a character of appalling interest, thus to deprive him of his property, and, in the impas- and threatening nothing less than the integrity of the sioned tones which indicate a deep conviction of injury Union. Regarding it, as I do, as a proposition totally sustained, demands of me justice. I assure that honor- false-nay, more, as a miserable fallacy, hardly worthy, in able gentleman that I am wholly unconscious of having itself, of serious argument-I cannot be insensible to the done him wrong. I am not aware of having any thing of power of that genius which not only has been able his in my possession, and am most ready, if I can, to do him ample justice. But, sir, I cannot recognise him in his assumed character of manufacturer; I meet him here in the character in which he has presented himself in this debate-an expounder of political economy. "To give to airy nothing "A local habitation and a name," but to persuade a very considerable section of the country not only of the absolute truth of the proposition itself, but to have wrought up their minds to brave all the horrors of disunion or a civil war in support of it. It must be apparent, Mr. Chairman, that the question of the tariff, as connected with the bill on your table, and The theory is thus supported. All commerce is an exthe accompanying report of the Committee of Ways and change of equivalents. The imports of a nation are preMeans, so eloquently explained and enforced by the ho- cisely equal to its exports, for which they are received norable gentleman from South Carolina, the chairman of in exchange. The producer of the exports is, therefore, that committee, assumes a character altogether new in the producer of the imports; and a tax upon imports is this House. It is not a question of the general expedi- equivalent to a tax upon exports, and falls upon the proency of a system of protection to domestic manufactures, ducer of them. In carrying out this view, the importing it is not a question of modification or improvement of the merchant is represented as the mere agent of the planter, tariff; it presents the naked question, whether a system who is thus made to assume the character of a manufacof protection, founded on impost duties, is at war with turer of Manchester cottons and Yorkshire woollens, and, the eternal principles of justice, and should, consequently, in this character of manufacturer, to come in direct combe abandoned. petition and rivalship with the cotton and woollen manuWe have, during the last few years, heard great com-facturers of the United States. In this rivalry, the Southplaint of the unequal operation of the tariff upon differ-ern planter is obliged to carry on a competition on very ent sections of the country, with no distinct explanation unequal terms, inasmuch as his manufactures, made in of the nature of this inequality. Manchester and Leeds, are subjected to an excise of forty The Philadelphia convention of the last summer, in per cent. in the form of an impost duty, whilst his Norththeir address to the people, make bitter complaints of the ern rivals bring their goods into market free of any tax inequality, oppression, and injustice of the tariff, but whatever. To avoid the possibility of mistake in the without the slightest specification of the mode and man- statement, the following extract is given from the report ner in which this inequality and injustice are brought of the Committee of Ways and Means. about. The charge of inequality is, in fact, completely "Whether the duty be laid upon the export or the imneutralized by the allegation that "the system operates port, it is equally laid, in both cases, upon the production with an injurious influence on the several interests of of the planter. There cannot be a more palpable and deagriculture, navigation, commerce, the mechanic arts, and lusive error, than the vulgar notion that imported manueven on manufactures themselves;" whilst all the reason- factures, which have been purchased by the agricultural ing of the address goes to show its injurious operation staples of this country, are foreign productions. They upon all classes, and upon all interests. are as strictly and exclusively the productions of domestic At length, however, the mystery is solved. The re- industry, as if they were manufactured in the United port of the Committee of Ways and Means explains the States. Looking, therefore, at the planting and manuwhole matter, and exhibits to us the process by which facturing States with the eye of an enlightened philoso |