Lapas attēli


the trade-mark on the dials of good alarm clocks

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TERMS : $4.00 a year, in advance; six months, $2.25; three months,

$1.50; single copy, 10 cents; postage to Canada, 85 cents a year; other foreign postage, $2.00 a year. BACK NUMBERS, not over three months old, 25 cents each; over three months old, $1.00 each. QUARTERLY INDEXES will be sent free to subscribers who apply for them, RECEIPT of payment is shown in about two weeks by date on address-label; date of expiration includes the month named on the label. CAUTION: If date is not properly extended after each payment, notify publishers promptly. Instructions for RENEWAL, DISCONTINUANCE, or CHANGE OF ADDRESS should be sent two weeks before the date they are to go into effect. Both

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THE LITERARY DIGEST is published weekly by the Funk & Wagnalls Company, 354-360 Fourth Avenue, New York, and Salisbury Square, London, E. C.

Entered as second-class matter, March 24, 1890, at the Post-office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879.

Entered as second-class matter at the Post-office Department, Ottawa, Canada

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The Digest School

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Published by Funk & Wagnalls Company (Adam W. Wagnalls, Pres.; Wilfred J. Funk, Vice-Pres.; Robert J. Cuddihy, Treas.; William Neisel, Sec'y), 354-360 Fourth Ave., New York

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Copyrighted by the International Film Service, New York.





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BRITAIN'S PEACE TERMS HE ALLIED TRIUMPH would be a fantom victory, frank statement of Winston Churchill, head of the British and Germany's surrender not wholly a defeat, the Admiralty when the war began, and now Minister of Munitions,

London Times reminds us, if by any means discord could that Britain enters the Peace Conference “with the absolute be sown between the United States and the British Empire. It determination that no limitation shall be imposed on our right is this fact that gives peculiar importance to the reactions of to maintain our naval defense.” And this was followed by a public opinion in America to the various frank statements con- similar utterance from Mr. Churchill's chief, Premier Lloyd cerning British peace aims that have recently been drawn George, who declares that “wherever the request comes from from British statesmen by an approaching election. German we are not going to give up the protection of the Navy so far as sympathizers and propagandists, we are told by Judson C. Great Britain is concerned.” For, he adds, “our Navy is a Welliver, a Washington correspondent of the New York Globe, defensive weapon and not an offensive one, and that is why are blowing assiduously upon every spark of anti-British feeling we do not intend to give it up." The British Prime Minister that is still alive in this country, and are magnifying every also calls for the ending of conscription in Europe, and for the suggestion of divergence between President Wilson and the payment by Germany of the cost of the war “to the utmost limit British Government. Especially do those propagandists try to of her capacity." This war-bill of the Allies against Germany arouse on this side of the Atlantic fear and distrust of Britain's he places at $120,000,000,000. naval supremacy, while in England they circulate rumors that Mr. Churchill elaborates his defense of British naval supremacy the United States, emerging from the war stronger than her in an article in the Glasgow Post, from which we quote the exhausted allies and with a great new merchant marine, aims following paragraphs: to dominate the world commercially and to “suck the marrow out of the whole of Europe.” But in spite of these sinister

“Our safety from invasion, our daily bread, every means

whereby we maintain our existence as an independent people; suggestions we find the American press discussing in an entirely

our unity as an empire or federation of commonwealths and dedispassionate vein the outspoken words of Winston Churchill

pendencies—all these float from hour to hour upon our naval and Lloyd George concerning Britain's naval policy, while the defense. If that defense is neglected, weakened, or fettered, we English papers are calmly confident that nothing can check the all shall be in continual danger of subjugation or starvation.

We should be forced to live in continued anxiety. If that naval growing understanding between the two great English-speaking

defense were overpowered or outmatched by any other navy, or peoples. For, as the New York World remarks, the unifying probably by a combination of navies, we should hold not merely purpose behind President Wilson's fourteen points is to make our possessions, but our lives and liberties only on sufferance. ... this war the end of war, and the same purpose inspires the “We are also entitled to point out that this naval strength attitude of Britain's spokesmen.

that we require and which we are determined to preserve has

never been used in modern history in a selfish and aggressive Foremost among the points counted upon by the mischief

manner, and that it has on four separate occasions in four separate makers to cause dissension between the United States and

centuries, against Philip II. of Spain, Louis XIV., Napoleon, and Great Britain was the freedom of the seas. Here we have the the Kaiser, successfully defended civilization from military

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tyranny, and particularly preserved the independence of the Low Countries. .

"In this greatest of all wars the British Navy shielded mighty America from all menace of serious danger, and when she re

gainst con

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the American people and the world to-d

klyn Eagle does not see how we can demand th ments on land without also demanding it at si

e Eagle: “If the British delegates are to carry their scription they will do so only because they ha.

elped to establish the international league which Mr. Wilson has urged. Such a league would reduce the liability of war and make great standing armies and the conscription principle unnecessary and obsolete. But if the league reduces the size of armies and knocks out conscription it must also reduce the size of navies. If there is to be disarmament at all there must be disarmament all around, otherwise the league would become a mere fantasy of international politics, an illusion to be laughed away so soon as its incongruity and impotence become manifest.”

London correspondents hint that “when President Wilson's proposals on the subject of the freedom of the seas are definitely laid before the Allied peace delegates it will be found that they are in no way so antagonistic to British interests as has been generally supposed.” In the London Daily Express we read:

“Informal conversations have been in progress some time, with the result that the British Government is in possession of concrete suggestions which are more understandable than the rather hazy wording of the famous Clause 2 of the Fourteen Points. Wilson, on the other hand, is in possession of information showing him definitely that Britain can not give up the right of search at sea, the law of contraband, and the enforcement of blockade. We understand Wilson's proposals do not include abandonment of any of those rights.

“The whole position, of course, is dependent on the success of the President's basic proposition for a league of nations. If that proposal does not succeed, the whole suggestion for any international control of naval and military power falls to the ground. It is only in the event of the league being formed, with definite agreed principles to govern its actions in all conceivable emergencies, that questions on the exercise of sea-power will arise for settlement.

“The President's proposal in that event amounts to a suggestion from the second strongest naval power, which the United States now is, to the strongest, to fix definite rates of naval construction, to which all will loyally adhere; and, further, that in the event of it being necessary to bring naval pressure to bear on any recalcitrant nation, the task should jointly be undertaken by the two leading naval powers.

“Bringing pressure to bear by sea-power can only mean the

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From the New York "Sun."

"A SHIP FOR A SHIP." Such boastings as the Germans use will be turned against them when they are made to replace, in ships or money, the tonnage destroyed by their U-boats. The specks on this German poster are supposed to show the ships sunk in one year's submarine warfare in British waters.

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solved to act it was the British Navy that transported and escorted the greater proportion of her armies to the rescue and deliverance of France. Our record in a hundred years of unquestioned naval sway since Trafalgar proves the sobriety of our policy and the righteousness of our intentions. Almost the only ports in the world opened freely to the commerce of all nations were those of our islands. Its possessions and our coaling stations were used freely and fully by the ships of all nations.

“We are sincere advocates of a league of nations. Every influence Britain can bring to bear will be used to make such a league a powerful reality. This fine conception of President Wilson has been warmly welcomed by British democracies all over the world. We shall strive faithfully and loyally to carry it into being and keep it in active benefit and existence. But we must state quite frankly that a league of nations can not be for us a substitute for the British Navy in any period that we can foresee.”

There is no cause for surprizeorapprehension in Mr. Churchill's words, remarks the New York Evening Sun, and the New York Tribune considers it a simple fact “that the British Navy has been the most formidable weapon on the side of right; that without it we should have lost the world to the Hun, and that English superiority at sea is not an aspiration but a condition." The Chicago Tribune concedes the soundness of Britain's attitude toward her Navy, but thinks her rash in her determination to discard her other defensive weapon, the conscript army. The Baltimore Evening Sun, on the other hand, thinks the question of British navalism “the most momentous that faces



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share with us what the Germans termed the odium of being the of this war ought to be tried by an international court," and world's 'naval bully.""

he declares that “the British Government will use its whole Perhaps The Express would find confirmation of this view in influence at the Peace Conference to see that justice is executed.” the statement of John Sharp Williams on the floor of the Senate, Of the war-bill to be collected from Germany he that President Wilson is going to Europe to bring into existence

“All the European Allies have accepted the principle that a league of nations to be dominated by the United States and

the Central Powers must pay the cost of the war up to the Great Britain. As Senator Williams puts it:

limit of their capacity. The Allies propose to appoint a com“If the two English-speaking nations go into it, we can by our

mittee of experts to examine the best method of exacting the

indemnity.” sea-power, by our control over raw materials, by our control over natural resources, force the other nations of the world to And in a later statement he thus summarizes the Allied do the league's bidding. We can agree that any civilized nation

position: that makes war upon another without first submitting the questions in controversy to an arbitration tribunal shall be out- “First-As far as justice is concerned, we have an absolute side of the pale of civilization and that the freedom to operate right to demand the whole cost of the war from Germany. upon the high seas shall be denied to her, that access to the raw "Secondly,We propose to demand the whole cost of the war materials and markets which the two nations in the league shall from Germany. control shall be denied to her, and in that way we can keep peace “Thirdly-When you come to the exacting of it we must in the world for one hundred years, if we only have the courage exact in such a way that it does not do more harm to the country to do it."

that receives it than the country that is paying it. This feeling on the part of leading Americans that the two

"Fourthly—The committee appointed by the British Cabinet

believes that that can be done. great English-speaking nations have a common duty to the

“Fifthly—The Allies are in exactly the same boat. We shall world leads them to accept without jealousy the fact of Great put in our demands all together, and whatever they are they Britain's naval supremacy. Ex-President Taft sees "nothing must come in front of the German war-debt.” in England's position as to her fleet that should discourage the

Germany will have no colonies when the Allies are done friends of the league of nations to enforce peace.” Similarly

with this business," declares Sir Auckland Geddes. The most Colonel Roosevelt concedes Britain's imperative need of "the

emphatic demands that Germany's colonies in Africa and the greatest navy in the world.” “Our own need for a great navy

Pacific islands shall not be returned to her come from the comes next,” he says, “and we should have the second navy in

Union of South Africa and from Australia and New Zealand. the world.” In a “Britain day” statement the Colonel has

As Frank H. Simonds reminds us in the New York Tribune: declared that “under no circumstances shall there ever be a resort to war" between the two countries, and that “no question

“Britain has won this war in no small measure because of

the support of her colonies. She can not by sheer force compel can ever arise between them that can not be settled in judicial

a restoration of German colonies to Germany in the face of the fashion.”

opposition of her own colonies without the gravest consequences. Britain's peace terms, besides demanding the punishment of In point of fact, the Pacific islands of Germany were taken by the German nation by the exaction of indemnities and the loss

Australian and New Zealand troops, who occupy them, and the

conquest of German Southwest Africa was mainly a Southof her colonies, call for the trial and punishment of those in

African enterprise. dividuals responsible for the war. "Men guilty of unspeakable

“And to understand the attitude of the British colonies, it is atrocities upon our prisoners and upon the civilian inhabitants useful for Americans to go back in American history to the time of the invaded lands must stand trial, and if they are condemned of the victory of Britain, with the very great aid of the American must suffer death,” declares Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister of

colonies, over France, which culminated in the capture of

Quebec. At that time the suggestion of a return of Canada to National Service. And the Prime Minister says that the

France would have precipitated a revolution in the Thirteen Government's legal advisers “have unanimously come to the Colonies, and for the simple reason that it would have meant a conclusion that the Kaiser and his accomplices in the making perpetuation of the condition of warfare in America."

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