46,920. The total number falling in the 16-25 age classification was 28,530. There being ten years in that classification, symmetrically divided five (16–20) and five (21-25), figure of 28,530 was divided by two, yielding 14,265; this was, in turn, added to the sum of free white males 26 and over (46,920) to produce a total estimated electorate of 61,185. (The figure of 61,185 is too precise but serves to provide the basis from which such estimates could best be derived; the procedure for dividing bracketed age classifications in the census arbitrarily presupposes a linear or uniform age distribution among all the years in the grouping. State-by-State actuarial estimates for this period could easily permit a different procedure. The effect of the procedure used is, unquestionably, to inflate the denominator from its "true" value and thus to generate a lower turnout figure than was actually achieved in these years.)

The following table indicates the bracketed age cohorts and the criteria for division and compilation:

Age Cohorts in the United States Census, 1790-1860 a

No

Throughout, the basis is that of free white males. This excludes a small fraction of free Negroes who were at least nominally entitled to vote in several States. estimate of citizenship exists except for 1860.

b The procedure for estimation in 1790 is a simple transfer from 1800 data: The proportion in each State of the total free white male population of age 16 and over which is estimated to be of age 21 and over.

Sex components. Women were universally enfranchised in 1920, but a number of States gave women suffrage earlier. In order of enfranchisement, the States which extended suffrage to women before 1920 were: Wyoming, as territory, 1869; Colorado, 1893; Utah, 1896; Idaho, 1897; Washington, 1911; California, 1911; Oregon, 1913; Arizona, 1913; Kansas, 1913; Montana, 1914; Nevada, 1914; Illinois, 1916, presidential only; Michigan, 1918; and New York, 1918. In all cases, appropriate sex-related adjustments were made in the denominator effective with the first election to which they applied.

Racial components. Negroes were enfranchised in ten Southern States effective with the 1868 election and nationally by the Fifteenth Amendment (1870). Prior to 1868, the proportion of free Negroes allowed to vote at all was extremely small; and the States in which they were allowed to vote had very small Negro populations. No effort, therefore, has been made to include a component for other than white races in the denominator prior to 1868/70. In Vermont, Maine, Massachusetts, and New York this means a tiny deflation of the denominator from its probable true value, and an equally small overestimation of the participation rates prior to 1870.

Citizenship components. This element represents the most difficult of the four major denominator components to estimate for the period prior to 1890-1900, for the following reasons: First, the 1928 election was the first presidential election in which American citizenship was a universal prerequisite for voting. In particular, the period from about 1840 through about 1910 was one in which a considerable number of States permitted aliens (those who had filed first papers, as a rule) to vote in elections. Every effort has been made here to identify by State and at what times these were legally qualified to vote. The denominator is thus grounded in part upon a legal definition which is heterogeneous across space and, for the States in which aliens were once allowed to vote, across time as well.

Second, the population census during most of the nineteenth century is not helpful in decomposing the foreign-born population, when reported, by citizenship status. Prior to 1870, no basis for estimation exists at all from the census materials. In 1870, males of 21 and

over are reported in two columns, one of which specifies male citizens. Combining this with analysis of the size of the foreign-born component of the voting-age male population, certain probable inferences can be made about the proportion of foreign-born males of legal age who had been naturalized, and about these compared with later censuses for which specific proportions are reported. No help is given on this question in the 1880 census. The 1890 census (Population, part II, p. lxvi) gives a percentage breakdown by State of the foreign-born population by status: Naturalized, first papers, aliens, unknowns. From 1900 onward, census figures are provided for these categories in absolute numbers.

A period of particular difficulty in estimation lies between 1860 and 1890. Prior to 1860 no effort is made to decompose the denominator (population base) estimate by citizenship. For 1860 and the years interpolated to 1870, the same proportion of citizens over 21 to all males over 21 which the 1870 census employs is used to derive the estimated potential electorate of 1860. Where proportions exist for 1890 and 1870 and the State requires citizenship status of its voters through this period, the mean of the two proportions is used for estimating the 1880 proportion and thus the denominator. Where States permitted alien voting, an effort was made to estimate the proportion of naturalized and first-paper foreign-born to all foreign-born for 1870, based upon the mean of 1890 and 1900 proportions. No such refinements were made for 1860.

There is some reason to believe that these proportions were relatively stable, particularly in States where the frontier stage of settlement had passed. With the raw figures of the 1870 census and the percentage decomposition of foreign-born males of voting age in 1890, the general outlines of this stability can be seen in the example of Ohio. In 1870, citizen males constituted 92.4 percent of the total male population of voting age; in 1890, 93.7 percent; in 1900, 94.4 percent. From this an interpolated estimate of 93.1 percent was derived for 1880, and the 1870 figure, 92.4 percent, was used to calculate the estimated eligible electorate of the 1860 voting-age male population.

possible estimates. Limited explorations suggest that the probable margin of error in turnout estimates at least for States requiring citizenship qualifications-is well under 1 percent for the 18701900 period.

One final remark about method involves the ratio between numerator and denominator. In the absence of any better estimation, the biennial figures are compiled throughout on the basis of linear interpolation between one decennial census year and the next. Obviously, patterns of population growth and decline are never perfectly linear and may deviate widely from that assumption. This is particularly visible as a problem in the "mining-camp" States of the West, especially in Nevada before World War I. A metal lode was discovered at a point in time following a census. Voting-age males poured into the State until the lode was exhausted; and then they left. All of this produced extreme deviations of empirical population realities from any linear model, with resultant wild fluctuations in turnout. Fortunately, the linear model does not appear sharply inconsistent with reality in well-settled States. In any event, no known alternative to it appears to exist throughout most of American political and demographic history except in those few States which published adequate censuses falling between Federal census years.

Y 79-186. General note.

The election of the President of the United States is provided for in the Constitution, article II, section 1, through the establishment of an electoral college in each State, for each presidential election. The method of casting the electoral vote was modified in 1804 by the adoption of the 12th amendment to the Constitution. The number of electors, and therefore of electoral votes, is "equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress." Because of the varied practices in choosing electors in earlier years, the record of popular votes is inadequate to explain the elections until after 1824.

In four elections the entire electoral vote of certain States remained uncast: (a) 1789-no electoral vote was cast in New York because the legislature failed to agree on electors; (b) 1864-no vote in Confederate States (Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia); (c) 1868-no vote in Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia because these States had not yet been "readmitted" to the Union; (d) 1872-the vote of Arkansas was rejected, the count of the popular vote in Louisiana was disputed, and the votes of both sets of electors were rejected by Congress.

In addition to the sources cited below, the following references were used in compiling the data for series Y 79-186: U.S. Congress, Clerk of the House of Representatives, Platforms of the Two Great Political Parties, 1932 to 1944, pp. 437-447, and Statistics of the Presidential and Congressional Elections, various issues; Julius F. Prufer and Stanley J. Folmesbee, American Political Parties and Presidential Elections, McKinley Publishing Company, Philadelphia, 1928; Charles O. Paullin, cited above for series Y 1-26, pp. 88-104; Bureau of the Census, Vote Cast in Presidential and Congressional Elections, 1928-1944.

Y 79-83. Electoral and popular vote cast for President, by political party, 1789-1968.

Source: 1789-1832, Edward Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, two volumes, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1928, various pages (copyright); 1836-1892, W. Dean Burnham, Presidential Ballots, 1836-1892, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1955, pp. 246–257 and 887-889 (copyright); 1896–1932, Edgar Eugene Robinson, The Presidential Vote, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1934, pp. 46

These include such States as Iowa, Michigan, Massachusetts, and above all, New York between 1845 and 1875. There is a mass of potentially useful and still unrecovered or unsused State material which should be employed for the nineteenth century. Such material includes lists of taxables triennially compiled from 1814 through 1828 in Pennsylvania (available in Hazard's Register (1825(1835)), and the Missouri State census of 1844, available only as an appendix to the Missouri Senate Journal (1845).

and 402 (copyright); 1936–1944, Edgar Eugene Robinson, They Voted for Roosevelt, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1947, p. 183 (copyright); 1948-1960, Governmental Affairs Institute, Washington, D.C., American at the Polls, 1965, pp. 15-22 (copyright); 1964-1968, Governmental Affairs Institute, America Votes 7, 1968, pp. 1 and 2, and America Votes 8, 1970, pp. 1 and 2 (copyright).

Y 84-134. Electoral vote cast for President, by State and political party, 1804-1968.

Source: For complete citation of the following, see sources cited for series Y 79-83: 1804-1832, Stanwood, various pages; 1836-1892, Burnham, pp. 887-889; 1896-1932, Robinson, The Presidential Vote, p. 402 (copyright); 1936–1944, Robinson, They Voted for Roosevelt, pp. 56-57 (copyright); 1948-1960, Governmental Affairs Institute, Washington, D.C., America at the Polls, 1965, pp. 15-22 (copyright); 1964–1968, Governmental Affairs Institute, America Votes 7, 1968, pp. 1 and 2, and America Votes 8, 1970, pp. 1 and 2 (copyright).

Y 135-186. Popular vote cast for President, by State and political party, 1836-1968.

Source: For complete citation of the following, see sources cited for series Y 79-83: 1836-1892, Burnham, pp. 246-257; 1896-1932, Robinson, The Presidential Vote, pp. 46-53 (copyright); 1936-1944, Robinson, They Voted for Roosevelt, pp. 59-182 (copyright); 1948-1960, Governmental Affairs Institute, Washington, D.C., America at the Polls, 1965, pp. 15–22 (copyright); 1964-1968, Governmental Affairs Institute, Amercia Votes 7, 1968, pp. 1 and 2, and America Votes 8, 1970, pp. 1 and 2 (copyright).

Variations in figures reported for some States account for small differences between the sum of State data and the total shown for the United States.

Y 187-188. Costs of presidential general elections, 1860-1968.

Source: 1860-1900, Congressional Record, vol. 45, 61st Congress, 2d Session, 1910, p. 4931, except for series 187, 1892-1924, from Louise Overacker, Money in Elections, Macmillan Company, New York, 1932, p. 73; 1928-1944, Louise Overacker, Presidential Campaign Funds, Boston University Press, 1946, p. 32; 1948, William Goodman, The Two Party System in the United States, D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., New York, 1956, p. 517 (copyright); 1952-1968, Citizens' Research Foundation, Princeton. Data presented in History of American Presidential Elections, 1789-1968, vol. IV, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Editor, McGraw-Hill Book Co., New York, 1971 (copyright).

Figures represent spending by all national level committees, but not by the candidates themselves. Figures for Republicans, 1912, and Republicans and Democrats, 1916-1944, include amounts transferred to the States as well. National-level committees proliferated after 1940, when the Hatch Act limitation of $3 million on the expenditures of a single committee and the $5,000 limitation on individual contributions went into effect.

For campaigns from 1860 to 1912, figures are estimates at best. For 1912 and later campaigns, figures are relatively reliable. Although the value of the dollar shrank and the voting population expanded more than fourfold from 1912 to 1952, the cost per vote was 19 cents in both of those campaigns. Between 1912 and 1952, however, the cost per vote fluctuated widely. By 1968, the cost per vote had increased to 60 cents.

Y 189-198. Congressional bills, acts, and resolutions, 1789-1970. Source: U.S. Congress, Calendars of the U.S. House of Representatives and History of Legislation; Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, unpublished tabulations; U.S. Congress, Congressional Record, various issues.

Some measure of the activities of the U.S. Congress can be gained from the number of bills and resolutions which have been introduced in Congress and from the number of public and private laws which have been passed. The abrupt reduction in the number of private bills enacted into law beginning with the 60th Congress was the result of combining many private bills, particularly pension bills, into omnibus enactments.

Y 199-203. Congressional bills vetoed, 1789-1970.

Source: U.S. Congress. Senate Library, Presidential Vetoes, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969, p. v, and Calendars of the U.S. House of Representatives and History of Legislation, annual issues.

The term "veto," which does not appear in the Constitution, indicates the action of the President when he disapproves a bill and returns it with his objections to the House of Congress which originated the measure. These regular vetoes differ from pocket vetoes, which result when a bill fails to become law because the President has not signed it within 10 days but cannot return it with objections because the Congress has adjourned during the same period. For a bill to pass over a veto, both Houses of Congress must vote to override the veto.

Y 204-210. Political party affiliations in Congress and the Presidency, 1789-1970.

Source: 1st to 74th Congress, Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, "Political Trends-Both Houses of Congress1789-1944" (typewritten tabulation based on Encyclopedia Americana, 1936 edition, vol. 7, pp. 516-518, 1st to 69th Congresses; and on Harold R. Bruce, American Parties and Politics, 3d edition, Henry Holt and Co., New York, 1936, pp. 174-179, 70th to 74th Congresses); 75th to 91st Congresses, U.S. Congress, Congressional Directory, annual volumes.

It is generally recognized today that popular government operates only through the agency of organized political parties. During the early development of the United States, party alignments and the function of political parties were neither fully appreciated nor provided for. Party alignments developed during the formative period, but designations for the different groups were not firmly fixed.

In the classification by party, the titles of parties during early years have been so designated as to be recognizable in the records of the periods concerned, and also to show the thread of continuity which tends to run from early alignments into the present 2-party system. Inasmuch as the party of Thomas Jefferson (generally known at the time as the Republican party) has with a considerable measure of continuity survived to the present time as the Democratic party, the name later accepted by the Jeffersonian Republicans of "Democratic-Republican" is used in the tables to avoid any confusion of the early Jeffersonian Republican with the present-day Republican party. Opposed to the early Republican party was the Federalist party, which was dominant in the first national administration and which, with interruptions, can be traced tenuously by elements of popular support through the National Republican, the Whig, and the Free Soil parties to the Republican party of today.

Y 211-214. Vote cast for Representatives, by political party, 1896– 1970.

Source: 1896-1950, Governmental Affairs Institute, Washington, D.C., unpublished data. (Figures adapted by Richard M. Scammon from Cortez A. M. Ewing, Congressional Elections, 1896-1944, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1947, and from unpublished work sheets used in its preparation and the biennial reports of the Clerk of the House of Representatives giving statistics of Congressional voting.) 1952-1962, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Congressional District Data Book (Districts of the 88th Congress); 1964–1968, Governmental Affairs Institute, Washington, D.C., America Votes 8, 1970

(copyright); 1970, U.S. Congress, Clerk of the House, Statistics of the Congressional Election.

Y 215-271. General note.

The number of members in the House of Representatives is fixed by the Congress at the time of each apportionment. The population figures used for apportionment purposes are those determined for the States by each decennial census. No reapportionment was made following the 1920 census, and no change in total House membership has been made since 1912. However, the legislation granting statehood to Alaska and Hawaii allotted one Representative to each of those States and, during 1960 to 1962, increased the total of members to 437. The total reverted to 435 after reapportionment following the 1960 census. The original assignment of Representatives for each State, to be in effect until after the first enumeration of the population, and the requirement that each State have at least one Representative are stated in the Constitution.

Prior to the passage of the 14th amendment, Representatives were apportioned among the States "according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons."

(Art.

I. sec. 2.) In effect, censuses between 1790 and 1860 included threefifths of slaves in the apportionment population. Since the passage of the 14th amendment in 1868, Representatives have been apportioned "among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed." At the time of the 1940 apportionment, it was determined that there were no longer any Indians who would be classed as "not taxed" under apportionment law.

In 1970, for the first time, the following classes of persons abroad were allocated to their home States for inclusion in the apportionment population: (1) members of the Armed Forces; (2) civilian employees of any Federal department or agency who were citizens of the United States or who had a home State; (3) spouses and children who were living abroad with persons classified in groups 1 and 2 above; and (4) other relatives living abroad in groups 1 and 2 who were citizens of the United States or who had a home State.

For detailed information about apportionment methods, see House Report 91-1314: The Decennial Population Census and Congressional Apportionment, 1970.

Y 215-219. Apportionment of Representatives among the States, 1790-1970.

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1970, vol. I, p. VIII.

See general note for series Y 215-271 for information about the apportionment population.

Y 220-271. Apportionment of membership in House of Representatives, by State, from adoption of Constitution to 1970.

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1970, vol. I, p. 53.

Membership is shown as of the date of the fixing of the new House apportionment plus members added for new States admitted during the subsequent decade. Major boundary changes affecting State representation in the House occurred in 1820, when Maine separated from Massachusetts, and in 1863, when West Virginia separated from Virginia.

Prior to 1850, apportionment ratios were chosen arbitrarily; from 1850 to 1900, ratios were the apportionment population of the United States divided by a predetermined number of Representatives; from 1910 on, apportionment ratios were computed by dividing a fixed number (435) of Representatives into the apportionment population. For additional information, see general note for series Y 215-271.